An unpaid intern can report an organisation to the government’s Pay and Work Rights Helpline, or can take a case to a tribunal. However, this is a potentially difficult process for an intern who is relying on their placement to help them break into an industry, and risks them losing access to the references and contacts that they have worked unpaid to build. Additionally, even if an intern does take a case to a tribunal, under the current law an employer often can still claim that the intern was under no obligation to attend work, or had no obligation to give notice that they would no longer attend - making them unentitled to the minimum wage. Indeed, in November 2017 following a written question in the Lords by Lord Mendelsohn, the government confirmed that at that point in time, there had been no recorded prosecutions in relation to interns and the National Minimum Wage. 18 The
Interns also face issues of inter-group and intra-group solidarity. Regarding the former, Ontario intern organizations are primarily concerned with the internship problem itself, and are less focused on engaging in a broader type of solidarity on a legislative level. Given that several of the work issues associated with interns, such as social and financial insecurity, are also present in other types of precarious work (de Peuter 2011; Vosko 2006), it might be beneficial for interns to formally unite with other workers in precarious employment situations, such as freelancers, the self-employed, and contract workers. To their credit, intern activists often use rhetoric that characterizes unpaidinternships as precarious work, and engage in meaningful discussions with other workers in precarious employment. The issue here is not merely descriptive, but also conceptual; it is difficult to arrive at a collective labour politics that garners the benefits of including many different types of voices, while also not sacrificing the specificity of issues faced in different sectors and types of work. Solidarity is also difficult to develop due to the spatial and temporal fragmentations among interns. Since internships typically last a short period of time, and organizations only employ a limited number of in- terns, interns face difficulty in connecting and arriving at common interests. Nevertheless, activists are using social media, websites, and events to help overcome some of these frag- mentations. Despite these attempts to bridge the temporal and spatial gaps, other issues of fragmentation still arise. For instance, those interns who have since secured jobs may not wish to support present internship movements at the expense of damaging their professional reputation or career. There are also differing views about unpaidinternships amongst young workers and interns themselves; some view internships as unfair, while others view unpaidinternships as necessary, normalized, or legitimate (Siebert and Wilson 2013).
Another aspect of internship cultures that these groups wish to address refers to the dis- cursive/ideological one. The overall consensus in job adverts circulated by galleries, muse- ums, biennials, and other mainstream art institutions is to portray internships and volunteer placements as exciting opportunities for exercising skills and meeting high-profile artists. While the promise for self-realization in the domain of work takes here a mythical status im- plying some sort of future autonomous working life (Ross 2000), these groups produce coun- ter-information in order to deconstruct this narrative. The spread of counter-information con- cerning aspects of social and political life is an established activist practice mobilized to dis- credit official and dominant narratives (Coyer, Dowmunt and Fountain 2011). Counter- information in this context enables an alternative or oppositional discursive field that enables antagonistic ways of speaking about a subject, and here acts as a means of potentially trans- forming common conceptions about what internships are as well as setting in motion wider cultures of dissent. The forms of counter-information vary from the release of counter-guides to publicizing “leaks” concerning abusive work relations. For example, one of the most widely circulated manuals concerning internships, Surviving Internships: A Counter-Guide to Intern- ships in the Arts, which was published in 2011 by the Carrotworkers’ Collective, aims, in the tradition of ideology critique, to “explore and debunk some commonly held myths” concerning internships and creative careers (2). The document was released in PDF format and has been distributed through an array of sources, from self-managed ventures to more institu- tional actors such as the European Institute for Progressive Cultural Policies and large-scale art projects such as Truth is Concrete, which took place in Graz, Austria in September 2012. Carrotworkers’ 66-page leaflet, similarly to the protests above, not only describes how unfair and unethical internships are, but also employs affective and playful ways to communicate the “irresponsibility” of art institutions by recounting personal internship stories. Again, here, the ethical language targeting the exploitative side of institutions is performed alongside ref- erences to larger systemic deficiencies as well as calls for solidarity with other professional sectors: “[n]ow, more than ever is the time for cultural workers to resist and work in solidarity with other social struggles” (3).
When could be it considered unfair? Until now it was enough that the borrower (the debtor) failed paying a loan quota (usually monthly) for the bank to incur in early termination and begin with the foreclosure proceedings. However, the Court of Justice of the European Union dated March 14, 2013 , declared a foreclosure proceeding in which the debtor does not have the possibility of an opposition to this execution pleading that it is an unfair clause. It involved an infringement of the Directive 93/13/EEC of the Council of 5 th of April of 1993. Such Directive stipulates through its article number 7 that:
The goal of this paper is to demonstrate that the answer to the ethical question – whether unexplained health in- equality is unfair – determines the choice of the standardization method and can lead to potentially diver- gent estimates of health inequity. In the next section, we explain how this question arises in the assessment of health inequities and articulate how answers to this ques- tion lead to particular methodological choices. We then demonstrate the importance of this ethical question em- pirically using the Joint Canada/United States Survey of Health (JCUSH) , which is typical of the data available for health inequity analysis. Our analysis shows that differ- ent ethical judgments regarding unexplained health inequality lead to substantial differences in estimates of health inequity. We conclude by discussing future re- search directions to enhance understanding of this issue.
Universal City Studios v. Global Asylum: Represented Universal Studios in prosecuting trademark, unfair competition, and copyright claims against a film studio that produced and distributed, in the United States and internationally, a "mockbuster" DVD that copied the title, title design and key art for Universal's 2012 motion picture Battleship. Following litigation in the United Kingdom and in California, the defendant agreed to change the title, title design and artwork to a non-infringing format for all distribution of the DVD worldwide.
of consumers injured by Wachovia’s actions were not customers of the bank. Wachovia was the bank of deposit for several (apparently) unscrupulous telemarketing firms who deposited remotely created checks drawn on consumer accounts at various banks around the country. The checks were purportedly to pay for goods or services the company sold to the consumers. In reality, the consumers had not authorized the checks and were required to dispute the payment at their own bank in order to get the money refunded. There was evidence that Wachovia had knowledge that its telemarketing customers were defrauding these consumers, many of whom were elderly. The OCC found that this was an unfair practice under Section 5 of the FTC Act.
The results of this study revealed that programs have specific times allocated to allow students to complete their internships, with over half, requiring field/work experience before students can complete an internship. Some sport organizations are looking for graduates who possess the most in depth and/or diverse experiences. Infusing experiential learning throughout the curriculum can benefit students by reinforcing the connection between theory and practice, which ultimately could make them more marketable when entering the workforce. An example of this infusion would be to have interns return to campus periodically to meet with their internship coordinator and/or peers, or require a post-internship meeting to assist in promoting deeper reflection of their internship experiences. This is difficult to do when the internship is the last component in a degree, but it is another important learning element in the internship process.
Your failure to promptly pay my final wages has exposed Acme Company to liability for waiting time penalties. Specifically, Labor Code §203 gives employees the right to recover one day of wages for each and every day their final wages remain unpaid, up to a maximum of thirty (30) days. Because I should have been paid, in full, on [the day of termination/ date 72 hours after notice if you quit and gave less than 72 hours notice], I am entitled to receive [# of days owed] in waiting time penalties, or $[amount of penalties] (based on an average daily wage of $[amount of daily wage]).
Explanatory. In our analysis we defined ‘unpaid work’ as reporting employment circum- stance six months after graduation as being in ‘voluntary work or other unpaid work’ (9,180 science graduates, 1.8% of the total). This included 1,010 graduates whose primary activity was undertaking “Work and further study” but for whom the work component was unpaid. (Sam- ple sizes and degrees of freedom are rounded to the nearest 5, to meet the disclosure require- ments of the data providers). The comparator group was ‘In Work’, i.e. in full or part-time paid work, or self-employment. Note that we do not assess the legality of individuals’ positions under the current legislation. (The key principle is that the unpaid worker should not be substituting for a paid worker, though extensive guidance and examples on exemptions for voluntary work and expenses-only arrangements are provided for employers and workers on the UK government website ).
We are looking for internships to join our exciting and dynamic organization, based in Sydney, Australia to work in a search engine optimisation role on a full-time basis for periods of up to 6 months. Training will be provided, however, if they have prior study or work experience in either IT or marketing, that would be beneficial. Interns will gain valuable, hands-on experience in helping businesses come up with fresh online marketing strategies, as well as learning the more technical side of helping businesses rank on search engines including Google, yahoo and bing.
In the UK, the Directive was implemented through the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008 (SI 2008/1277). 60 These Regulations did not introduce any form of individual redress to consumers but merely a system of administrative enforcement orders and criminal law sanctions. 61 However, recently proposed amendment of the Regulations introduces certain rights for consumers, including the right to unwind, the right to a discount and the right to damages. 62 In other countries, such as Germany, private enforcement by (subsidized) private associations with standing to sue for injunction is traditionally the main form of enforcement. 63 Again other legal systems have an enforcement practice which combines public authority market monitoring with private consumer association bargaining, settling and litigating strategies.
The first CBC initiative identified as an intern program and overseen by national television news was established in 1974. Two senior editorial staff travelled to the University of West- ern Ontario, Ryerson, and Carleton, the only Ontario schools offering programs in journalism studies at the time (Ryerson School of Journalism 2015). After completing interviews, eight individuals were chosen for a four-month paid summer program. Initial training was provided in Toronto, and the participants were sent to work in local CBC television newsrooms. Van- couver, Regina, Halifax, Ottawa, and Montreal are among the stations where interns were placed that first summer, with a deliberate attempt to not send interns to cities where they had lived or studied. All of the interns were integrated into the reporting staff of the newsroom for approximately 14 weeks before returning to Toronto for the final week of the internship. One of the interns from the program’s first year describes the experience as an extended job interview, suggesting that one of the goals of the program was to identify promising jour- nalists and hire them before the competition did. The internship was regarded as a chance for the Corporation to explore and assess an individual intern’s strengths and weaknesses, and a chance for the intern to get four months of full-time paid work. About half of the first group of interns stayed on in the cities where they interned, and there were similar examples in subsequent years. Internships provided local stations across the country with promising talent who had already attracted interest at the national level of the CBC.
The reasons students choose the internships they do varies. However for business students, gaining relevant work experience means exposure to the corporate world. Although many undergraduates have work experience, it is usually in unskilled work such as retail and food service. Therefore, the attraction of an internship in a traditional organizational setting where professional dress is required and mentoring is available provides opportunities for self-awareness and career “fit”. Experience gained from an internship is a key attribute a student can offer a potential employer (Gault, Redington & Schlager, 2000). Canon and Arnold (1998) found that increasingly students “see the internship not just as a supplement to coursework or extension of the classroom, but rather as a separate component of their preparation for the job market, one that is becoming essential in obtaining post college employment” (p.203).
In seeking to make links between workfare and internships, it is important to note how work- fare has developed and become increasingly normalized within the British economy, follow- ing its policy transfer from the United States (Jones 1996, Lindsay and Mailand 2004). In- ternships and other modes of “apprenticeship” across the British economy reflect a continua- tion and transformation of workfare policies such as Jobseeker’s Allowance instituted under the Conservatives in the 1990s, aggressively pursued under New Labour in the UK, influ- enced by policies set up under Bill Clinton’s presidency. While under New Labour this was achieved through the rhetoric of social inclusion (Jessop 2003), under the Conservative- Liberal Democrat coalition, the justification was largely economic, and often highly gendered (MacLeavy 2011). Workfare politics are being implemented in increasingly radical and coer- cive forms, driving a hegemonic embedding of policies with the economic aim of averting inflationary pressures by coercing people to work under the threat of incrementally losing their social benefits. It is in the cultural industries that the internship culture has been most pronounced, along with other attractive white-collar sectors such as law and finance (Perlin 2012). Yet, policies designed to provide “apprenticeships” to young people in previously un- imaginable contexts (such as fast food, retail, and other low pay service sectors) represent a significant shift in policy, compounded by the imposition of increasingly draconian demands on young people to comply in order to receive state benefits (MacLeavy 2011).
A cross-sectional analysis was conducted of publicly available data from 'Caregiving in the U.S. 2015', a survey fielded jointly by the National Alliance for Caregiving (NAC) and AARP. The survey was conducted to estimate the prevalence of caregiving for someone of any age within the USA, as well as to describe the characteristics of caregivers of an adult . The survey used the GFK Knowledge Panel, a probability-based online panel, designed to represent the US population. Selected households were invited by telephone or mail to participate and given use of a computer and internet connection if needed. The online questionnaire was first used to screen for the presence of any caregiver in order to measure prevalence of caregiving. The main portion of the online interview asked questions of all unpaid caregivers of adult recipients identified by the question, 'At any time in the last 12 months, has anyone in your household provided unpaid care to a relative or friend 18 years or older to help them take care of themselves?' Interviews were conducted in the autumn of 2014 .
Globally and locally, ongoing demographic, socio- cultural and economic changes have implications for unpaid carers. For those who provide unpaid care, particularly at higher intensities, there is substantial evidence of negative effects on employment, health and wellbeing, with associated individual and soci- etal costs. For these reasons, there is increasing policy emphasis on supporting unpaid care in the UK, mirrored, and in some cases exceeded, internationally. This paper aims to provide an overview of the interna- tional evidence on effective support for unpaid carers. This evidence synthesis finds an extensive literature on a wide range of potentially effective interventions to support unpaid carers under the broad categories of indirect support (services for the care-recipient), direct support (such as psychological therapies), work condi- tions, and combinations of these. However, there are significant gaps in the evidence base with regards to interventions, outcomes and types of caring situation studied, with a dearth of evidence on cost-effectiveness and few evaluations of key recent policy initiatives.
To ensure both the practical and academic quality of the placement work, each student is monitored by a supervising manager of the placement company and a tutor of the university degree programme. This type of supervision must also be ensured in the case of overseas placements/internships.