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Job Tasks and Gender Wage Gaps within Occupations

Job Tasks and Gender Wage Gaps within Occupations

The differences in task usage within occupations persist across a set of common explanatory factors, with the exception of manual tasks. Hours worked hardly change women’s baseline lower task usage for most task types. A fertility shock, measured by comparing women with one, two, three, or four children to women without children greatly exacerbates the gap in task use, but does not entirely account for the baseline difference, with the exception of Management tasks in Northern and Southern Europe. Nevertheless, Problem Solving, Literacy, Numeracy and ICT continue to exhibit large baseline gaps even after acknowledging the presence of children. The different countries in the sample having vastly different female participation rates, the next possible explanation is that of female selection into the labour force and its impact on task use gaps. Lower participation rates tend to be associated with higher positive selection among women which can in turn explain lower male-female gaps, as in Olivetti and Petrongolo (2008). I find that Literacy, Numeracy and ICT task usage is weakly correlated with female labour force participation: countries with higher female activity rates like the Netherlands, Denmark and Norway have higher negative gaps in task use. Nevertheless, the only statistically significant correlation is for Numeracy. Finally, since the extent of task use is self-reported, I study the possibility of under-reporting among women. The psychology literature has highlighted that women tend to under-estimate their own performance in situations involving some element of competition. We compare the task use among women working in the private versus the public sector, the assumption being that the private sector will involve higher levels of competition than the public sector. I find that Problem Solving is the task category most prone to measurement error since the male-female gap almost disappears once we compare the gap in the public-private samples. The category ’Problem Solving’ has the most vague description among all the different task categories, so it is reasonable to assume that it is mis-interpreted by men and women, given the existing literature of self-evaluation.
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Gender Wage Gaps in Central American Countries: Evidence from a Non-Parametric Approach

Gender Wage Gaps in Central American Countries: Evidence from a Non-Parametric Approach

Female participation in labor markets has increased significantly in Latin America since the 1950s. There are many reasons behind this worldwide phenomenon, such as increases in women’s political participation and in women’s number of completed years of education (Psacharopoulos and Tzannatos, 1993). In addition, recent evidence points toward a rise in the prevalence of part-time jobs and women’s preference for them (López Bóo, Madrigal and Pagés, 2009), allowing the insertion of more women each year into Latin American labor markets. Even though the gender gap in education has closed, and in many Latin American countries females presently achieve more years of education than males (Duryea et al., 2007), there still remain important gender differences in fields of specialization and occupations, not to mention labor force participation and wages.
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Job tasks, wage formation and occupational mobility

Job tasks, wage formation and occupational mobility

This thesis consists of three essays that contribute to the empirical literature on wage formation regarding job contents. The first essay analyzes the formation and the closing of the gender pay gap with respect to gender-specific task inputs in 1986-2004 in Germany. Using a newly constructed data set that combines administrative panel data on wages with individual-level task information, I am able to estimate the association of individual task profiles with wages and their contribution to the formation of the pay gap. The results document that task contents and returns to them are gender- specific. In particular, relative prices for task-specific units are substantially related to the formation of the wage gap, though the evidence exhibits heterogeneity along the wage distribution. The second essay is devoted to the shifts in the demand for occupations based on the quasi-experimental case of occupational demand shifts in East Germany after reunification. Taking the parameters of the demand for particular occupations into account helps to identify the causal effect of imposed occupational change on wages. The magnitude of the estimated wage effect is huge and persistent, though it points towards a positive selection of the group of employees who experienced an occupational change due to reunification. The third essay focuses on the changes of job contents and their relation to individual wages. The estimation results show that the wage differential due to an occupational change correlates significantly with the degree of similarity between the source and the target occupation. Moreover, the essay provides novel evidence on the positive relation of changing occupational contents with wages for employees who stay in their occupation, which implies that a part of the effect of tenure on wages is due to the increasing proficiency in job tasks.
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GENDER WAGE GAPS BY EDUCATION IN SPAIN: GLASS FLOORS VS. GLASS CEILINGS

GENDER WAGE GAPS BY EDUCATION IN SPAIN: GLASS FLOORS VS. GLASS CEILINGS

of municipality dummies, and secondary education (only for the L-group); (ii) extended controls (basic controls plus immigrant condition, seniority, private or public sector, type of contract, supervisory role and firm size); and (iii) extended controls plus occupational dummies. The intercept for the gender dummy is always negative and significant, declining (increasing) in (absolute) value in the L-group up to the 75th quantile (H-group) as we move along the wage distribution, in parallel with the pattern found in Figures 1a and 1b for the raw gender gaps. Typically, the estimated gender intercepts are much lower than the raw gaps for the H-group and the differences increase as we move up the distribution. The reason for this pattern is that the differences in experience in favour of men increase from 0.3 years at the 10th percentile to almost 7 years at the 90th percentile. However, when using the largest set of covariates (including occupational dummies) the gender gaps become larger since, as shown in Table 1a, the proportion of women working in the occupations which yield higher wage returns (OC1 to OC8) is larger than the proportion of men. By contrast, the differences between the raw gaps
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Gender wage gaps within a public sector: Evidence from personnel data

Gender wage gaps within a public sector: Evidence from personnel data

Table 6 reports the results from the decomposition analysis for seven broad occupational groups. There are several findings from Table 6 that are worth reporting. First, there is less evidence in these data that the estimated gender wage gap is higher the further up the occupational hierarchy one looks. For instance, compare managers (13%) with clerical workers (10%). Moreover, the estimated gender wage gap is much the same for teachers as it is for other professionals and even production, transport and manual labourers (hereafter manual workers), ranging from 5-7%. Second, nurses are a clear outlier – male nurses earn about 1% more than their female counterparts. Turning to the results of the decomposition analysis, a third and significant finding is that the average discrimination effect observed for all public sector workers is driven mainly by behaviour in managerial, clerical, manual and nursing occupations. When considered alongside the estimated gender wage gaps, this suggests the presence of both glass ceiling and sticky floor effects which may be driven primarily by discriminatory practices.
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New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Wage Gaps in Latin America

New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Wage Gaps in Latin America

temporarily withdraw from the labor market, choose occupations with flexible or relatively less working hours (Tenjo, 2006), or invest less in education or on-the-job training, thus diminishing their work experience (Terrell, 1992). As a result, women would be mostly concentrated in low- paid jobs or face higher barriers when attempting to reach higher-level (better-paid) positions. Nevertheless, this may only explain part of the wage gap in the region. For instance, in Costa Rica, Ecuador and Uruguay, high and persistent levels of occupational segregation have been found to explain only a small portion of earnings differentials (Deutsch et al., 2004). Moreover, a comparative study between Brazil and Mexico showed that despite higher levels of gender occupational segregation in Mexico, gender wage gaps were wider in Brazil (Salas and Leite, 2007).
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Wage Growth in Pay Review Body Occupations

Wage Growth in Pay Review Body Occupations

Third, there is little guidance as to what might reasonably enter a matching estimator to identify suitable comparators to PRB occupations when estimating relative earnings growth. Although we did some experimentation regarding the set of covariates used and their functional form, there is value in future work experimenting with different model specifications to establish how sensitive the identification of comparator occupations might be to choices made. That work could also usefully add in further data, such as data relating to job tasks, to improve the match across occupations. That said, the exercise shows one can do a reasonable job balancing on what appear to be relevant covariates to reduce bias when comparing wage growth across PRB and non-PRB occupations. Some matches obtained pass a face validity test in that they seem quite obvious (non- PRB Nurses for PRB Nurses, non-PRB Teachers for PRB Teachers, and so on), but this was not always the case.
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Decomposing Gender Wage Gaps - A Family Economics Perspective

Decomposing Gender Wage Gaps - A Family Economics Perspective

Cort´ es and Tessada (2011) and Cort´ es and Pan (2019) propose another channel for the link between an individual’s wage rate and the respective partner’s characteristics. In occupations where wages are highest, individuals have to work long hours to have a successful career. For the family, the cost of supplying long working hours is convex, i.e., working long hours is more costly if one’s partner is already working long hours, for example due to child-care obligations. Then, the optimal time allocation mostly promotes the designated primary earner’s career while designated secondary earners may forego important investments into their careers. Cort´ es and Tessada (2011) show that a decrease in the costs of services that are close substitutes to household production increases the labor supply of highly skilled women. The effect is strongest in occupations where success is related to working longer hours. 3 Thus, the results indicate that households did not prioritize women’s careers before the cost reduction. Hence, restrictions on affordable household help and the resulting optimal time allocation between spouses reveal the link between wages and an individual’s role in the family.
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Occupations at risk: The task content and job stability

Occupations at risk: The task content and job stability

Can one claim that the created unemployment and wage losses were individual-level effects of technological change? This has become a common claim such that a number of recent studies even take task routinization as a measure of technological change (Goos,Manning, Salomons 2009), or take for granted that the job polarization can only be explained by the technological adoption (Dusmann, Ludsteck, Schönberg 2009). At the same time the studies that have directly measured the effect of technological adoption on task substitution suffer from important measurement problems. First, as argued earlier in this paper, computer technology is measured far too narrowly. Second, both the U.S. and the German data on job tasks suffer from lack of comparability over time. In the German data, most of the tasks initially chosen by Spitz-Oener (2006) and used in consequent research (Dustmann, Ludsteck, Schönberg 2009; Gathmann and Schönberg 2010; Black and Spitz-Oener 2010) incorporate these pitfalls. In this section we put the relationship between automation and skill
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New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Wage Gaps in Latin America

New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Wage Gaps in Latin America

temporarily withdraw from the labor market, choose occupations with flexible or relatively less working hours (Tenjo, 2006), or invest less in education or on-the-job training, thus diminishing their work experience (Terrell, 1992). As a result, women would be mostly concentrated in low- paid jobs or face higher barriers when attempting to reach higher-level (better-paid) positions. Nevertheless, this may only explain part of the wage gap in the region. For instance, in Costa Rica, Ecuador and Uruguay, high and persistent levels of occupational segregation have been found to explain only a small portion of earnings differentials (Deutsch et al., 2004). Moreover, a comparative study between Brazil and Mexico showed that despite higher levels of gender occupational segregation in Mexico, gender wage gaps were wider in Brazil (Salas and Leite, 2007).
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Formal but less equal : gender wage gaps in formal and informal jobs in Brazil

Formal but less equal : gender wage gaps in formal and informal jobs in Brazil

To identify the effect of selection and purge the wage estimates from the selection bias without relying on the functional forms, I make exclusion restrictions. The excluded variables I chose are the share of household members holding formal jobs, as well as various demographic characteristics: the presence of children, the marital status, an indicator for lone mothers and the share of household members who need care (children under the age of 10 and elderly people above 85 years old). The latter variable may be more appropriate than just the number of children as, first, older children may take care of younger children, and second, older family members may live in the same household and receive care. It may be argued that children, or in general relatives who need care, can affect the productivity of women on the job (through fatigue and lower availability) and thus may not be an appropriate excluded variable. The share of household members holding a formal job can determine the probability to be in formal vs. informal employment through a network effect. Arguably, an individual with household members who are working in the formal segment can receive more information about job openings in the formal sector, how and where to search for formal jobs and/or might be recommended for a job. This networking effect may also be thought of as a cultural norms or social capital channel. 10 Additionally, conditioning
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Personality Traits, Job Search and the Gender Wage Gap

Personality Traits, Job Search and the Gender Wage Gap

There is increasing recognition that traditional measures of worker productivity such as education and work experience do not fully characterize the attributes that are relevant for labor market success. In particular, recent research considers non-cognitive traits as potential productivity determinants along with cognitive skills. 1 For example, Heckman et al. (2006), Heckman and Raut (2016) and Todd and Zhang (2020) estimate dynamic education and occupation choice models and find that personality traits have both direct effects on worker productivity and indirect effects on preferences for schooling, working and/or occupations. Cubel et al. (2016) examine whether personality traits affect productivity in a laboratory setting and find that individuals with high levels of conscientiousness and emotional stability exert more effort on a task. Fletcher (2013) uses sibling samples and family fixed effect estimators and finds a robust relationship between personality traits and wages. Although the accumulated evidence shows that personality traits are related to labor market outcomes, the mechanisms through which they operate have not been fully explored. 2
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Gender and Ethnic Wage Gaps in Guatemala from a Matching Comparisons Perspective

Gender and Ethnic Wage Gaps in Guatemala from a Matching Comparisons Perspective

unexplained gaps will be reduced and glass ceilings will be less binding. Consequently, initiatives to improve information flow such as employment bureaus and job intermediation (as in Mexico, the Dominican Republic and Peru), are strongly recommended. It is extremely important that these instruments actively compensate for the disadvantages of women and indigenous people, particularly in terms of network building and the development of core competencies through intermediation services. Otherwise, these mechanisms are likely to reproduce market performance, as the evaluation of the employment services of the Ministry of Mexico shows (Flores, 2006).
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Are there Gaps in Swedish Gender Wage Gap Research? A Meta-Analytical Approach

Are there Gaps in Swedish Gender Wage Gap Research? A Meta-Analytical Approach

With the constant theorizing about the roots of the gender wage gap, many studies look to favor a specific explanatory angle which fits into a constructed framework. Looking at wage gap perspectives from a human capital angle, it might be suggested that there would be no wage gap if all factors that could limit productivity differences were accounted for, though this ignores the presence of segregation and discrimination (Jacobsen, 1988, p. 322). There may also be direct interaction between the overall national states of income inequality which can systematically expand gender wage gaps (Blau 1998; Andersson 1995). This helps affirm the choice of Sweden as a point of study as the income inequality within the country has been internationally recognized as lower than many other leading economies, particularly the United States, which has been the focused of previous meta-analyses. In contrast to productivity and policy based explanations, the central sociological argument has been that there continues to be obvious and observable instances of job segregation which prevent women from achieving high status positions and therefore lower the overall wage balance (Johansson et al., 2005). The products of these disagreements can be seen as different frameworks are adopted. With these disagreements as to the nature of the gap, it is important to take stock of the methods common to researchers working in this evolving field of study.
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Job Mobility, Gender Composition, and Wage Growth

Job Mobility, Gender Composition, and Wage Growth

Meanwhile, the results do not answer whether the job mobility structure is discriminative or not. Instead, they merely reveal the structure in itself. Therefore, the question needs an examination for employment and promotion processes considering employee job preference and employer bias. Thus, specific processes of how women and men moved to their jobs need to be investigated. There are likely to be procedures to move to some jobs such as filling the positions via social ties or requiring experiences in specific jobs, where are male-dominated. If this examination is not given, some may argue that the salary growth gap stems from different job tasks. However, such evaluation by tasks tends to depend on the level of claims, which is subjective and relative rather than objective and absolute, especially in the internal labor market. In this sense, future research should ask how salary is negotiated. This paper assumed equal pay for equal work since there was no wide salary variation within the same jobs. However, the negotiation process in other firms would be inevitable to understand the mechanism of salary growth.
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Discriminatory social attitudes and varying gender pay gaps within firms

Discriminatory social attitudes and varying gender pay gaps within firms

Second, discriminatory social attitudes could lead prejudiced employers with a taste for discrimination to offer different employment options to women than to men, i.e., women receive fewer and worse job opportunities than men and have more difficulties finding equal employment under discriminatory social attitudes. If market frictions exist, all firms, both prejudiced and non-prejudiced, could then benefit by not raising women’s wages to their marginal productivity (e.g., Black 1995; Lang and Lehmann 2012; Lang, Manove, and Dickens 2005; Rosén 1997; Rosén 2003; Sasaki 1999). Consequently, all firms have incentives to pay lower wages to women in regions where more people oppose gender equality rights than in regions where fewer people do. As we find a strong correlation of a within-firm gender wage gap with the discriminatory attitudes in the region in which each establishment is located, our results are consistent with the theory of employer discrimination in non-competitive markets. This is particularly so because the strongest relationship between social attitudes and gender pay gaps lies in the manufacturing sector, for which product market concentration and barriers to entry are the highest in Switzerland.
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An investigation of the relationship between job characteristics and the gender wage gap

An investigation of the relationship between job characteristics and the gender wage gap

Our approach is related to that adopted in studies addressing the issue of occupational segregation in that we intend to control for the fact that assignment of women to jobs is not the same as that of men. Indeed, the majority of studies on segregation find that part of the wage gap may be explained by the fact that women tend to concentrate in low wage occupations. However, even after controlling for segregation, Miller (1987b) and Hernández (1996) find that there remains a substantial proportion of unexplained wage differences. One hypothesis arising from their results is that there is further (unobserved) segregation within each of the considered occupations. The difficulty of testing this hypothesis is rooted in the fact that information on job characteristics is usually scarce in labour surveys. This study uses information from a database, the “Encuesta sobre Estructura, Conciencia y Biografía de Clase” (1991), comprising responses to a series of questions designed to capture precisely the
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Job Mobility and the Gender Wage Gap in Italy

Job Mobility and the Gender Wage Gap in Italy

These patterns might be driven by changes in rates of labour force participation between men and women over time. In particular, it could be that more women than men exit the sample during the period of observation, or that women experience more frequent and longer career interruptions than men. We can check for this, and in the top panel of table 1 we report the percentage of women in the sample by year of potential experience. This percentage is very stable over time, with women accounting for 41-43% of the entire sample at each year of experience. Amongst the low educated group a similar pattern emerges, while for the highest educated we notice even some increase in the proportion of women in the last few years. The bottom panel of the table shows the distribution of gaps (in years) between consecutive wage observations. 6 As we can see, long gaps are relatively infrequent, and generally more likely to be observed among men than women (94.1% of men never experience a gap of more than one year between wage observations against 95.9% of women). This is true for the overall sample, as well as for the subsamples defined by different levels of education. It would therefore be unlikely that the observed gender differences in log wages and wage growth profiles are the result of different labour force attachment of men and women in our sample.
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Wage Gaps Large and Small

Wage Gaps Large and Small

This section draws on three seemingly unrelated lines of research that, taken together, illustrate important features of the U.S. labor market. First is the work discussed above on deregulation and truck driver earnings. Second is research with Ed Schumacher examining the earnings of registered nurses (RNs). A principal focus of that research is the role of “classic” and “new” monopsony on the earnings of hospital RNs (Hirsch and Schumacher 2005). We find that RNs display substantial mobility across employers and that hospital concentration has little effect on RN wages. Third is work with Dave Macpherson (1995) in which we examine the role of occupational segregation by sex on the earnings of women and men. Although earnings are higher in predominantly male and lower in predominantly female occupations, we conclude that much (not all) of the effect of gender composition is accounted for by worker heterogeneity, job skill requirements, and working conditions. Gender composition explains only a modest amount of the overall gender wage gap.
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Gender Wage Gaps Reconsidered: A Structural Approach Using Matched Employer-Employee Data

Gender Wage Gaps Reconsidered: A Structural Approach Using Matched Employer-Employee Data

In this paper I propose and estimate an equilibrium search model using matched employer-employee data to study the extent to which wage di¤erentials between men and women can be explained by dif- ferences in productivity, disparities in friction patterns, segregation or wage discrimination. The availability of matched employer-employee data is essential to empirically disentangle di¤erences in workers pro- ductivity across groups from di¤erences in wage policies toward those groups. The model features rent splitting, on-the-job search and two- sided heterogeneity in productivity. It is estimated using German microdata. I …nd that female workers are less productive and more mobile than males. Female workers have on average slightly lower bar- gaining power than their male counterparts. The total gender wage gap is 42 percent. It turns out that most of the gap, 65 percent, is accounted for by di¤erences in productivity, 17 percent of this gap is driven by segregation while di¤erences in destruction rates explain 9 percent of the total wage-gap. Netting out di¤erences in o¤er-arrival rates would increase the gap by 13 percent. Due to di¤erences in wage setting, female workers receive wages 9 percent lower than male ones.
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