A fourth and related issue is that some (typically older) studies fail to control for other confounding variables in the environment that might explain correlations between parentalphysicalpunishment and childhood problem behaviour. While the number of better-controlled longitudinal studies has increased (and many of these studies still show statistically significant relationships between parentalphysicalpunishment and detrimental childoutcomes) there is some evidence to suggest that the relationship between physicalpunishment and childhood problem behaviour become minimal when baseline levels of problem behaviour and other environmental variables (e.g. parents’ mental health) are controlled for. For example, using longitudinal data, Morris & Gibson (2011) found that child and family characteristics of those subjected to physicalpunishment are substantially different from characteristics of those not punished. Using propensity-score matching (a method well suited to testing confounding effects) they found that when children exposed to physicalpunishment are matched on their likelihood of being punished, “the relationship between punishment and subsequent aggression and delinquency become statistically nonsignificant and substantively small” (Morris & Gibson, 2011, p.818.).
there has been little emphasis on the relationship between exposure to physicalpunishment and physical health conditions. Physicalpunishment and childphysical abuse share etiological char- acteristics such as hitting and physical pain. Given the similarities between exposure to childphysical abuse and harsh physicalpunishment in their associations with adverse psychologi- cal, social, and cognitive functioning in adulthood, it is possible that there are similarities in physical health outcomes. Particularly in the case of harsh physi- cal punishment, which involves what is typically considered a lesser form of physical force compared with physical abuse, it is possible that there are similar pathways that lead to problems in physical health. When studying phys- ical punishment and physical health conditions, it is necessary to adjust for several factors known to be related to physicalpunishment that may likewise affect physical health. These factors in- clude sociodemographic variables (eg, age, gender, income), a history of family dysfunction that may contribute to childhood stress, and mental disorders. Additionally, it is important that the re- lationship between physicalpunishment and physical health is not confounded by experiences of more severe acts of child maltreatment.
Parents are the principal caregivers to their children. The findings of the current research will expose parents to the long term negative outcomes of physicalpunishment. Parents who practice physicalpunishment should be alerted and shift their parenting style to other more appropriate methods, for example having a clear communication with their children and tell them the contingent consequences when their children explicit undesired behavior. Other than physicalpunishment, the parents can provide regularly positive attention to the desirable behavior and encourage them to strengthen the behavior (Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, 1998).
It is particularly important to understand child-rearing practices in middle-income countries such as the Ukraine, a country that has ex- perienced political turmoil and violence and has some of the highest levels of alcohol use and mental health problems (Bromet et al., 2005; World Health Organization, 2014). As a post-communist country, Uk- raine places cultural emphasis on collective values and the use of vio- lent acts in the family is considered a private issue (UNDP, 2010). Re- ﬂecting these sociocultural values in Ukraine, recent estimates show that the majority of Ukrainian children have experienced physicalpunishment (Burlaka, 2016; United Nations Children's Fund, 2014), despite recent legal movements in the Ukraine that prohibits physicalpunishment in the home (End All Corporal Punishment of Children, 2017). Although a growing literature links parentalphysical punish- ment with detrimental outcomes including externalizing problems (Burlaka, 2016), internalizing problems (Burlaka, Kim, Crutchﬁeld, Lefmann, & Kay, 2017), and substance use of Ukrainian children (Burlaka, 2017), no studies to date have examined factors that con- tribute to the use of parentalphysicalpunishment among Ukrainian parents. To ﬁ ll this gap, the present study aims to explore the way in which Ukrainian cultural patterns of coping with stressful life situa- tions, spirituality and family communication relate to the use of phy- sical punishment.
Parents clearly prefer their children to take part in swimming and football, probably because of the tradition of these sports in Spain (Romero et al., 2009). What is more, parents are generally satisfied with the activity their child takes part in and the teacher’s performance; data which is consistent with the findings of other research (Jordan et al., 2002; Capdevila et al., 2004). In line with these results, our research data has shown that most of the parents surveyed, when asked their opinion about physical and sporting habits, agreed that participating in these activities is good for your health. This reason coincides completely with those mentioned in previous studies aimed at elucidating why parents enrol their children in extracurricular sporting programmes: they want them to enjoy themselves, have fun and do exercise (Passer, 1982; Weiss & Petlichkoff, 1989; Gill, 1992; McCullagh et al., 1993; Cruz, 1997).
aggressive. Children were also found to be at greater risk of becoming physically aggressive, delinquent, or having interpersonal problems as experiences of parental verbal aggression increased. Teicher, Samson, Polcari, and McGreenery (2006) found associations between childhood exposure to parental verbal aggression and depression, anxiety, dissociation, and hostility. Finally, Evans et al. (2012) found that higher frequencies of verbal abuse, measured as anger, shouting/yelling, swearing, and threatening to harm, was related to increased delinquency among African American teenagers over a period of two years. A number of theoretical perspectives account for how verbal punishment is related to negative childoutcomes. Parental verbal hostility, which includes excessive criticism, repeated blaming, insults, threats and mean comments, can be damaging because it signifies parental rejection or violence (Wolfe & McIsaac, 2011) and affects the child’s social, cognitive, and behavioral development (Wekerle et al., 2006, as cited in Wolfe & McIsaac, 2011). Attachment theory, in particular, posits that attachment experiences with parents are the basis for children’s internal working models of themselves and others in relationships (Dodge & Pettit, 2003; Wu, 2007). Exposure to secure attachment experiences, such as appropriate and consistent parental responsiveness, leads children to view themselves as worthy of love and perceive the world as dependable and predictable (Wu, 2007). Alternatively, insecure attachments stemming from inconsistency in or lack of parental responsiveness lead children to deem themselves as unlovable and view the world as untrustworthy and unpredictable (Wu, 2007). Harsh verbal punishment may be one expression of parental insensitivity or lack of responsiveness (Hoeve et al., 2009), and exposure to such may place children at greater risk for being disordered or challenging (O’Gorman, 2012).
The focus of the present study is the exploration of factors related to physicalparentalpunishment and the display of aggression among school-age children. The study was conducted in Tirana and Durres with children of seven elementary schools, in a total of 830 children of the group-age 7 to 11 years old. Our aim is to identify the differences between physically punished children and physically non-punished children in the emergence of aggressiveness in general, identification of forms of aggression that exhibit the physically punished children, identification of gender differences in the manifestation of forms of aggression in physically punished children. We used the Direct and Indirect Aggression Scales (Björkqvist, Lagerspetz & Österman, 1992) and four questionnaires were designed to collect information from the child whether the parents were involved in these forms of punishment or not. The results of the study showed that there were differences in the display of aggressiveness among physically punished children and physically non-punished children; there was also a tendency for physically punished children to exhibit a higher level of Direct Aggression. Findings also emerged in terms of gender differences in the appearance of aggressiveness in physically punished children. The conclusions highlight the role played by the physical punitive factor in the emergence of aggressive behaviour in
In this sample of youth and their parents who visited these outpatient pediatric practices, we found that young adolescents who perceive parental disapproval of the use of violence in a provocative situation were more likely to have a prosocial attitude toward interpersonal peer violence. Perceived parental disapproval was also found to be significantly protective against fighting. In contrast, parents’ stated expectations regarding their children’s use of violence did not predict adolescents’ violence-related attitudes, intentions, and behaviors. Pa- rental use of corporal punishment for disciplining was strongly associated with the youth having a less proso- cial attitude about violence, more violent intentions and behavior, and greater report of victimization.
childhood traumas during their childhood and adolescence on their child raising attitude; a set of data was collected from 902 parents with children 6 who attend to preschool classes under the primary schools of Ministery of cation Council, independent kindergartens and private preschool education institutions. The study used Childhood Psychologic Trauma Questionnarie and ParentalAttitudes Scale; the collected data was analyzed with IBM SPSS 23.0 program. Frequency and percentage rate were used for categorical variables and regression analysis was used in order to detect the reasonal relation . Regression analysis had used in order to detec the endent variables. At the end of the research, it was found that there is a significant relation between the parents’ child rasing attitudes and their own childhood According to this, these were found that emotional and physical abuse predict democratic emotional neglect and physical abuse predict authoritarian attitude; pyhsical abuse, emotinal neglect and sexual abuse predict permissive attitude significantly in a
Although punishments reduce undesirable behaviour, they also generate a series of negative emotions – fear, humiliation, anger. These emotions will manifest as aggression and violence in the future and, in addition, distorted perceptions of punishment may occur. The long-term consequence of physicalpunishment of children is trauma. Trauma is an overly stressful impact on a person. There are two types of trauma: 1. Unexpected and unpredictable trauma; 2. Frequent, painful, expected and degrading trauma. Usually physical punishments belong to the second group. For this type of trauma, predictable, painful and degrading experience for children is characteristic. This experience is accompanied by fear, sadness, shame, guilt, apathy. The children mobilize all defence mechanisms against humiliation. This can be a denial, suppression, identification with the aggressor or self-destruction behaviour . Sometimes non-physical punishments have more serious consequences than physical punishments. Prohibition of games and television, forced to unpopular activity (e.g., cleaning as a punishment), causes feelings of guilt and inferiority. Parental insults are very harmful and painful to the child [2, 6].
Family plays an important role for the individual attitudes and behaviors. Socialization process starts in the family environment. Many behavioral problems in adolescents may have rooted in the childhood upbringing especially unsuccessful mother-father-child relationship (Robinson, 2009). The social, emotional and moral development of the children mostly depends on interactions styles of mothers and fathers with each other as well as their children. The interaction between parents and child is closely affecting and affected by a variety of social outcomes including peer relations, moral development, achievement and aggression (Ogretir-Ozcelik, 2017a). During the childhood, the quality not the quantity of the parent- child relationship is an important factor for the socialization process. In a child development literature, it is a long tradition to study the effect of the parent-child relationship on the development of child ’ s behavior, attitude and attachment. Most of the studies in the parental attachment and style usually follow Baumrind ’ s hypothesis that parenting styles are contemplated to be an analytical process of socialization (Baumrind, 1968 ; Öğretir -Özçelik, 2017c).
On the basis of the findings, this research identifies some of the major areas where improvement can be made to protect British Pakistani children from physicalchild abuse and/or harmful and degrading treatment. There is a need to help children and young people who may have experienced physicalpunishment, and to help parents to break the pattern of their learned behaviour of child rearing in order to develop healthy relationships. That could be achieved by providing education in parenting skills and training for Pakistani parents and particularly for mothers as they play a vital role in child rearing in the Pakistani community. It would be useful to help British Pakistani families to look at alternative methods of discipline. This can be best
Corporal punishment is here defined as “the use of physical force with the intention of causing a child to experience pain, but not injury, for the purpose of correction or control of the child’s behavior” (Straus & Stewart, 1999, p. 57). Compelling evidence has accumulated that corporal punishment is directly associated with negative outcomes in children, even as it may increase children’s short-term compliance. In their meta-analytic reviews, Gershoff (2002a) and Ferguson (2013) reported small to moderate associa- tions between more corporal punishment and higher externalizing and internalizing behaviors, lower quality relationships, and poorer mental health in childhood and adulthood. Such associations between corporal punishment, negative child behaviors, and poor psychological adjustment are evident across cultural and ethnic groups (e.g., Gershoff, Lansford, Sexton, Davis-Kean, & Sameroff, 2012; Lansford et al., 2005; McLoyd & Smith, 2002), in cross- lagged, transactional analyses within-time and across age in child- hood (e.g., Berlin et al., 2009; Choe, Olson, & Sameroff, 2013; Maguire-Jack, Gromoske, & Berger, 2012), and through to early adolescence (MacKenzie, Nicklas, Brooks-Gunn, & Waldfogel, 2015). Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016) report in a recent meta-analysis that the associations between spanking and detrimen- tal child and adult outcomes were robust across variations in mea- sures, raters, time periods, and countries, and in both cross-sectional and longitudinal designs.
Evidently, a larger and more representative sample is needed to substantiate these findings. A second limita- tion is that the data were derived from self-reports, and there was no corroborating source as to whether the mothers actually disciplined their children in the way, or with the frequency, that they reported. No measures of child behavior preceding the discipline were assessed which would have provided a better understanding of the disciplinary incidents. Finally, it is possible that mothers may have misinterpreted some of the discipline labels, although definitions were provided. For example, ignoring could be interpreted as either an effective way to avoid reinforcing misbehavior or an indication of a neglectful caregiver. Future research should expand the nature of the sample to include fathers and more racially diverse parents. However, this study should be consid- ered exploratory, with the results laying the ground- work for larger follow-up investigations.
environmental influences on a child’s externalizing behavior problems (e.g., Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992). Social learning theorists have drawn a link between parents’ use of corporal punishment and general maladjustment in children, particularly aggression (e.g., Baumrind, 1993; Maccoby & Martin 1983; Patterson et al., 1992). These theorists propose that physicalpunishment is related to aggression in several ways, two of which will be discussed. First, physical disciplinary practices have been conceptualized as reinforcement for oppositional, noncompliant, and aggressive child behavior (Patterson et al., 1992; Wahler & Dumas, 1986). Furthermore, researchers have conceptualized aggression as an attention- seeking behavior (e.g., Surya-Prakash-Rao, 1977). The primary goal of a reinforcer is to increase a specific behavior and thus, according to many researchers, the physical discipline method believed by many parents to rectify negative behavior becomes counterproductive once the child realizes that attention (negative or positive) can be obtained by exhibiting acting out behaviors. Physical discipline has also been theorized to provide a model of a hostile and punitive interpersonal style (e.g., Eron, 1987; McCord, 1979; Weiss, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1992). Because it has been found that children model their parents’ behavior, a physical disciplinary method, in essence, may teach and justify more aggressive and hostile behavior in children and adolescents. Thus, these researchers theorize that children learn to resolve conflict and correct others’ behavior by physical means.
Using a similar concept to parental locus of control, parents’ attributions about success or failure in childrearing have been assessed in relation to externalising child problems. This research has shown that the way a mother interprets her child’s behaviour acts as an important influence on her affective state and ultimately on her caregiving strategy (Bugental, 1993). Specifically, parents with a low perceived control of caregiving interactions (attributing unsuccessful caregiving interactions as due to more child factors than adult factors), have been found show responses that foster and maintain coercive interactions. Parents with a ‘low perceived control’ are more likely to show: a) increases in autonomic arousal (Bugental, Blue, Cortez, Fleck, Kopeikin et al., 1993; Bugental, Blue, Cortez, Fleck, et al., 1994; Bugental, Lewis, Lin, Lyon & Kopeikin, 1999; Lin, Bugental, Turek, Martorell & Olster, 2002); b) increases in negative affect (Bugental, Blue & Lewis, 1990; Bugental, et al., 1993; Bugental et al., 1994); decreases in the use of positive control tactics (Bugental et a l, 1993); c) increases in verbal derogation of children (Bugental & Happaney, 2000); and d) increases in use of physical force and power orientated strategies when giving punishment (Bugental et al. 1999; Bugental, Lyon, Lin, McGrath & Bimbela, 1996). Furthermore, these parental reactions to children’s misbehaviour appear to maintain unresponsive child behaviour (Bugental &
groups; only 19% met the recommendation of daily MVPA . Discrepant findings between studies, in part, are attributable to differences in study design, population sampling, accelerometer manufacturer and thresholds used to define MVPA, but also to differences in regional sociodemographic factors influencing physical ac- tivity patterns in children. Consistently across all these studies, age and gender were salient factors: Latino boys exhibited significantly more MVPA than girls, and MVPA decreased linearly with age. Little is known regarding other potentially important child and sociodemographic factors. Furthermore, the extant cross-sectional studies can only elucidate associations, not inform causality between phys- ical activity patterns and childoutcomes. Therefore, longi- tudinal studies using objective measures of activity are needed to determine the temporal patterns and determi- nants of physical activity sedentary time (SED) in Latino children.
We present results for families above and below the poverty line in Panel A of Table 4. These results show that the negative association between maternal majority identity and child test scores is largely driven by children in poor families. For example, in maths, children in poor families where the mother reports a British identity score 0.233 standard deviations below other children in poor families. This difference is statistically significant. Among non-poor families, the equivalent coefficient is also negative, but much smaller in magnitude, and imprecisely estimated. Although we cannot reject the null of no difference in test score gaps across the two types of families, these results are at least indicative of an interrelationship between parental ethnic identity and income poverty. We observe a similar pattern of results for reading test scores. The concentration of these negative associations among children who are already facing economic disadvantage may be particularly concerning in the context of integration policies which actively encourage the adoption of the majority identity.