Top PDF Policing of ethnic minorities in Britain

Policing of ethnic minorities in Britain

Policing of ethnic minorities in Britain

The government of Margaret Thatcher effectively changed the British economic landscape by putting through severe restructuring and privatisation. It reduced the influence of state control and regulation by denationalising publicly owned assets. It introduced limited government intervention in the market, deregulation and reducing monopoly in areas such as transport and telecommunication licences. Compulsory sale of local authority houses to housing associations and housing tenants under the right to buy. There were more women in employment than ever before except during the Second World War, but mainly in the service sector bringing along other issues of part time work, meaning that both parents were working as opposed to when only one parent mainly the father was the only breadwinner (Furlong, 2009). This posed some challenges to the family in terms of looking after, and controlling their children because they were spending less time together because one or both parents were working. There was also the emergence of lone or single parent families, mostly women taking care of children alone without a male role model. Although, the general standard of living greatly improved prevalently between 1960 until the late 1990s, albeit the economic crisis of the 1980s when Britain was in recession, wealth has not spread evenly throughout society. The poor were becoming poorer (Robert, 2011; Inman, 2014b) and still faced the inequalities of poor infrastructure and services with young people being at the receiving end while adults and society as a whole seemed to point fingers and constantly scrutinise them.
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Crime, Policing and Justice: the Experience of Ethnic Minorities Findings from the 2000 British Crime Survey

Crime, Policing and Justice: the Experience of Ethnic Minorities Findings from the 2000 British Crime Survey

These ‘structural’ explanations include the concentration of policing in areas with high populations from ethnic minorities and more people from ethnic minorities being ‘available’ for stops or searches (FitzGerald and Sibbitt, 1997; FitzGerald, 1999; MVA and Miller, 2000). Thus, for example, by focusing suspicion on young unemployed males who are often out on inner-city streets at night, the police end up carrying out foot stops on a much higher proportion of black people than white. There is likely to be something in both types of explanation, but it is important to get a proper sense of their relative importance, for they carry very different implications for policy. The former imply a need for training and managerial control over the workforce, whilst the latter require an assessment of whether the benefits of this form of indirect discrimination outweigh the costs. In considering these issues, it is relevant to note that the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 came into effect on 2 April 2001, meeting a recommendation in the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report that the full force of race relations legislation should apply to the police.
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Widening access to cardiovascular healthcare: community screening among ethnic minorities in inner city Britain – the Healthy Hearts Project

Widening access to cardiovascular healthcare: community screening among ethnic minorities in inner city Britain – the Healthy Hearts Project

National guidelines from the National Service Framework [8], the National Institute for Clinical Excellence [9] and the Quality and Outcomes Framework [10] relating to coronary heart disease (CHD) prioritise risk management and amongst those individuals with existing CHD, or co- morbidities. However, specific guidance on the strategies for the assessment of CVD risk in asymptomatic individu- als is not available [11]. Previously, research on CVD risk in a random sample of South Asians in Sandwell [12] revealed that more than 50% of hypertensives and diabet- ics were newly diagnosed, highlighting a missed opportu- nity for the primary prevention of CVD in this high risk group. By comparing immigrant communities in Britain to their contemporaries living in their country of origin, studies illustrate the insidious change in CVD risk amongst migrants, which is not evident from absolute measures of serum cholesterol, blood pressure and anthropometry in these groups [12-14]. The implication is that the burden of dyslipidaemia, hypertension and dia- betes is likely to be underestimated in ethnic minorities in Britain. Moreover, national data suggests that current healthcare services are flawed with regard to equitable healthcare for ethnic communities in Britain [15], with one specific example being the availability and utility of bilingual services [2].
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Social Determinants of Labor Market Status of Ethnic Minorities in Britain

Social Determinants of Labor Market Status of Ethnic Minorities in Britain

The labor market behavior of ethnic communities in advanced societies and the social determinants of labor market outcomes of minority groups are important empirical issues with significant policy consequences. We use detailed micro-data on multiple-origin ethnic minorities in England and Wales to investigate the way different network-based social ties influence individual employment outcomes. We find that the core family structure and contacts with parents and children away (in Britain) increases the probability of self-employment. On the other hand, engagement in organizational social networks is more likely to channel people from ethnic minorities into paid employment. Finally, disaggregating different types of social networks along their compositional characteristics, we find that having ethnic friends is positively associated with the likelihood to be self-employed while integration in mixed or non-ethnic social networks facilitates paid employment among minority individuals. These findings hint at a positive role of social integration on employment opportunities of ethnic communities in host societies.
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Poverty and prosperity among Britain’s ethnic minorities

Poverty and prosperity among Britain’s ethnic minorities

in the labour market remain an important issue, but it would be a sophisticated form of discrimination that could distinguish so effectively between Caribbeans and Africans, or between Indians (on the one hand), and Pakistanis or Bangladeshis (on the other). The number of young people of Chinese or Indian origin now achieving university degrees may be asso- ciated with the successful economic trajectories of those communities. This has led to some optimism about the potential role of education as a counter to racial disadvantage. But other evidence may suggest less hopeful conclusions. Caribbeans (especially men) continue to experience disadvantages in the educa- tion system which inevitably hinder their progress in employment. And Africans remain among the poorest groups, despite being among the most highly educated. Some minority ethnic groups have reached higher lev- els of income than might have been feared 10 or 20 years ago. But that should not obscure the serious poverty experienced by two groups: Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. An astonishing 60% live below the pov- erty line – four times as many as among the white community. Part of the problem is that far too few families from these communities have any wage-earn- er. But even among working families, no less than half are in poverty. The disadvantages faced by other eth- nic groups are overshadowed by these shocking findings.
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Faith in Policing: : The Co-Production of Crime Control in Britain

Faith in Policing: : The Co-Production of Crime Control in Britain

Participants were asked to reflect on the nature of their interaction with faith communities and FBOs, the precise mechanisms which exist to facilitate such interaction, the extent to which the wider police family engages with issues relating to faith, and the perceived benefits and challenges of working with faith groups. The participants were not asked explicitly about their own faith and the role that this may play in operational policing, although a minority of them did discuss this. Since personal religiosity has been shown to influence day-to-day police practice (see Prideaux and McFadyen, 2013) we consider this issue, where relevant, when discussing our findings. Moreover, whilst the issue of counter-terrorism was not a specific focus of the interviews Ð because the primary aim of the research was to consider the relevance of religious faith to policing more broadly Ð participants did identify counter- terrorism policing as an influence on their engagement with some, predominantly Muslim, FBOs and, accordingly, we consider this in our analysis. All interviews were digitally recorded and professionally transcribed. Interview data were thematically analysed in light of the aims of the study and extant literature in the field. This involved a process of data familiarisation, generating codes, forming initial themes, and reviewing and refining those themes (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Quotations are provided to illustrate the themes generated from the analysis.
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Review of the occupational health and safety of Britain’s ethnic minorities

Review of the occupational health and safety of Britain’s ethnic minorities

Contradictory evidence is provided by studies with regard to the health conditions of immigrant workers. One study in France focusing on the health of migrants in France has highlighted that immigrants belong to the lowest socio-economic status groups and are found in unskilled work or in jobs where they are constantly subjected to workplace hazards, occupational health risks and accidents (Bourdillon et al. 1991). The quality of maternal and child health care among foreign women was also found to be lower than among the French. This study identified that restrictions on the opportunities for enjoying certain social rights, administrative and financial obstacles encountered, and difficulties in communication all make it harder to meet the needs of the migrant population. Another study based on industrialised countries also reported that migrants, especially first and second generations, and ethnic minorities often have reduced entitlements in society (Bollini and Siem 1995). Not only are they exposed to poor working and living conditions, which are per se determinants of poor health, but they also have reduced access to health care for a number of political, administrative and cultural reasons which are not necessarily present for the native population. The authors argue that the higher rates of perinatal mortality and accidents/ disability observed in many migrant groups compared to the native population are linked to their lower entitlements in the receiving society. In view of the common belief that immigrants are at increased risk of injury and ill-health since they are concentrated in hazardous occupations, Courbage and Khlat (1996) examined the mortality rates and causes of death of Moroccans in France during 1979-91. They wanted to confirm the results of a previous study which had observed much lower death rates for immigrants in France than the national average, and also in specific socio-occupational categories where most immigrants belong. The authors similarly found low mortality rates for Moroccan immigrants, especially among men who had changed regions at least once within France.
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Models of organisation and leadership behaviour amongst ethnic minority communities and policing in Britain

Models of organisation and leadership behaviour amongst ethnic minority communities and policing in Britain

The research methods used in this study were largely determined by very practical considerations regarding obtaining the relevant types of data sought. In the first instance, this study focuses on the work of ethnic voluntary association elites and how they interact with other organisational elites. However, at the same time it attempts to elucidate how matters of ethnic culture shape the organisational, leadership behaviour, and attitudes of various communities. These concerns are particularly governed by the absence of in-depth studies on the role of ethnic cultures and how they inform the social behaviour of particular communities (Chapter 2). The weaknesses of general community surveys and quantative methods are many despite their numerous advantages. For example, in providing more reliable data and explanations around a range of variables and the practical import in policy terms (Harris and McCullough 1973, Smith 1975, Noaks and Wincup 2004).
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Ethnic minority immigrants and their children in Britain

Ethnic minority immigrants and their children in Britain

This paper investigates educational attainment and economic behaviour of ethnic minority immigrants and their children in Britain. Despite their strong educational achievements, ethnic minority immigrants and their descendants exhibit lower employment probabilities than their white native born peers. Although unconditional wages of British born ethnic minorities appear to be slightly higher than those of their white native born peers, their wages would be considerably lower if they had the same characteristics and regional allocation. Differences in wage offer distributions hardly account for the employment differences of British born ethnic minorities. Further, British born ethnic minorities have lower employment propensities for the same wages than native born whites. We examine possible explanations for these gaps.
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Ethnic Minorities in the European Union: An Overview

Ethnic Minorities in the European Union: An Overview

Kahanec, M. and M. Mendola (2009), ‘Social determinants of labor market status of ethnic minorities in Britain’, in A. Constant, K. Tatsiramos and K.F. Zimmermann (eds), Ethnicity and Labor Market Outcomes, Research in Labor Economics, 29, Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing, pp. 167−195.

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Ethnic Minorities In Business

Ethnic Minorities In Business

At the time of writing, the monopolistic stranglehold of supermarkets, together with the spread of out of town mega-stores and allegations of aggressive market-poaching and bullying of suppliers, has generated mounting opposition and emerged as a high profile political issue. According to Mathiason (2006: 3), supermarkets are for the first time in Britain encountering significant opposition in the shape of “an alliance of government ministers, MPs across the political spectrum, campaign groups, suppliers.” Whether this will translate into regulatory intervention powerful enough to protect small ethnic retailers remains to be seen. For some writers there is room for optimism even in the face of dire market trends, with Jamal (2004) highlighting the ethnic retailer’s willingness to respond innovatively to customers’ enduring need for accessibility and human contact (Davies and Harries, 990). The Paradox of the Ethnic Restaurant On the face of it, catering embodies everything that a post-industrial ethnic niche market ought to be. Over the past two decades or so in the UK, demand for restaurant and takeaway meals has expanded at a giddy tempo in line with rising affluence and lifestyle changes (Ball, 999). As part of a quest for what Warde et al. (999) call “social distinctiveness”, the demand for exotic cuisine has expanded even faster still, spawning catering outlets bearing the names of almost every known Asian nation, together with numerous European, Caribbean, Latin- American and African counterparts.
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Social enterprise and ethnic minorities

Social enterprise and ethnic minorities

A final dimension concerns the political climate relating to Britain‟s race relations policies. This is set to shape the nature of social entrepreneurial activity within BME third sector organisations through the emergence of new priorities for the allocation of resources to the BME sector. A consultation document published in 2008 (Cohesion Guidance for Funders: Consultation) (CLG, 2008: 5) set out the government‟s view that funders: „should not automatically award grants to third sector activities organised on the basis of “single identities”, defined in terms of single ethnicity, nationality or religion‟. Instead they should primarily assess „how their funding can be used to provide opportunities for interaction‟ among people and groups from different backgrounds, identities and forms of affiliation in relation to those who run an organisation, its target group (customers or beneficiaries) and staff. Interestingly, another novel outcome of the crisis of multiculturalism has been the renewed emphasis on „faith‟, or faith-based service provision, within both government policy-making and in the BME sector‟s own plans and lobbying (Afridi and Warmington, 2009: 61). This accent on faith further questions the notion of race and ethnicity or even nationality as the primary defining characteristic of an organisation, and has opened up new opportunities for securing funds and developing the BME sector, as well as concerns over the appropriateness of using faith-based organisations to deliver public services.
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Ethnic Minority Immigrants and their Children in Britain

Ethnic Minority Immigrants and their Children in Britain

We find that both first generation ethnic minority immigrants and British born ethnic minorities have on average higher levels of education as opposed to comparable groups of white natives. Also, the educational improvement relative to their parent’s generation is larger for most British ethnic minority groups as opposed to white natives. But, this educational advantage is not translated to better employment prospects for both groups of ethnic minorities. British born ethnic minorities seem to have higher average wages than white natives. However, their wage advantage turns into a wage disadvantage if British born ethnic minorities were to face the white native regional distribution and were attributed white native characteristics. We also find that differences in wage offer distributions hardly account for the employment differences of British born ethnic minorities, and that British born ethnic minorities have lower employment propensities for the same wages than native born whites. We investigate a number of possible explanations for the wage and employment disadvantages of British born ethnic minorities. Our results suggest that differences in the quality of education do not drive the employment and wage gaps, and that the lower labour market participation rate for some British born ethnic minority groups is partly driven by choice.
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Ethnic minority entrepreneurship in Britain

Ethnic minority entrepreneurship in Britain

The UK Government data have struggled to define these evolving populations. Until the 1971 census only birthplace and previous residence were recorded. Continuing this practice would have rendered the growing number of children, born in Britain of immigrant parentage, statistically invisible. In 1971 a census question was asked about parental birthplace. The 1981 census dealt with the matter by inference: ethnic minorities were identified on the basis of the birthplace of the head of the household in which a person resided (Coleman and Salt 1992, 483-486). Only in 1991 were census respondents asked directly about ethnicity. This was repeated in 2001, although the results have been classified slightly differently from ten years earlier. Additional complications arise from differences between the categories enumerated and reported in Scotland and those used in England and Wales. Northern Ireland even has a separate census, resulting in further variations in ethnic classification (NISRA 2003).
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Diversity in entrepreneurship: the role of women and ethnic minorities

Diversity in entrepreneurship: the role of women and ethnic minorities

innovations in packaging such as the meal sold in its own wok when the balti craze hit Britain. However, she was soon to face a new challenge. Three years later saw the Warsi family fighting to regain control after the Hughes Food Group went into receivership and, after a long drawn- out battle, Perween and her husband completed a management buy-out in November 1991 with the backing of the venture capitalists, 3i. This was a very difficult period, not only because of the legal troubles, but also because the company faced stiff competition. Many food

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Car Ownership and the Labor Market of Ethnic Minorities

Car Ownership and the Labor Market of Ethnic Minorities

show that, in the US, 5.4 percent of white households have no automobile while 24 and 12 percent of respectively the black and Latino households do not own a car. Even more striking is that they show that respectively 64 and 46 percent of black and Latino households have only one or zero cars whereas this number was 36 percent for white households. In Great-Britain, using the 1991 Census data, Owen and Green (2000) show that people from minority ethnic groups are more than twice as likely as white people to depend on public transport for commuting journeys (33.2 versus 13.7 percent), with nearly three-…fths of Black-African workers using public transport to go to work. Furthermore, 73.6 percent of the whites use a private vehicle while this number is only 56.4 percent for ethnic minorities (and 39.6 percent for Black-African workers). Using the Labour Force Survey for England, Patacchini and Zenou (2005) …nd similar results.
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The socio-economic integration of ethnic minorities

The socio-economic integration of ethnic minorities

types or to indigenous minorities. As for the first type, namely visible ethnic minor- ity groups, their contemporary socio-demographic de- velopment calls for renewed attention to the continued plights they face. Many of the groups, such as those in Britain, came over 60 years ago and their third or even fourth generation has come of age. Many such groups, such as black Caribbeans, black Africans, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, have suffered decades of disadvantage or discrimination. As many observers (Li & Heath, 2008, 2010) have noted, immigration is a rather disruptive pro- cess, rendering migrants’ human and social capital of less or little use in the destination country. Moreover, as many of the immigrants came from poor countries, they did not have much economic capital in the first place. The relative lack of socio-cultural-economic resources, deficient language skills, and direct or indirect discrimi- nation by employers (Wood, Hales, Purdon, Sejersen, & Hayllar, 2009) all combined to produce disadvantages in employment, occupation and earnings for the first generation. But even the second generation who were born and educated in the destination country and who had better education than the majority group may still
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The Policing Styles and Unequal Treatment of Minorities in the Netherlands and Germany

The Policing Styles and Unequal Treatment of Minorities in the Netherlands and Germany

10 According to a survey by the European Commission (2007) 64 percent of the youngest respondents reported they feel that discrimination on ground of ethnic origin is widespread. Discrimination against minorities takes place in several cases, usually in the context of the socio-economic aspects of the person. This is also visible in the treatment of police officers as the actions taken are influenced by possible language barriers between the police and the person with a migration background, and the disrespectful and aggressive behaviour of some. Additionally the crime rate is correlated with the socio-economic status, the lower the socio- economic level the higher is the crime rate (Piquero, 2008). As the aspects above influence the mind-set of people, including police officers, in a subjective manner, it is difficult to process unequal treatment based on an objective foundation. (Weitzer, 1996)
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Researching Muslim minorities: some reflections on fieldwork in Britain

Researching Muslim minorities: some reflections on fieldwork in Britain

Some of my most productive research activity in Bradford was the result of interactions with young British-born Muslims. They were the group of respondents with whom I usually had most in common. It was therefore fairly easy to identify interests we shared such as contemporary music, football or computers. Indeed, contacts such as those made at Belle Vue Boys’ School often ‘snow - balled ’, leading on to invitations to students’ homes to meet their parents, to family weddings, to afternoon and evening parties at local night clubs, to local pool halls and to football matches. However, I soon realised that nothing was to be gained by hastily asking new respondents about ‘being Muslim in Bradford’. When, early on in my research, I announced to an assembled class of students that I would be happy to meet with anyone interested in talking about ‘Muslims in Britain’, the only response I received was from an enthusiastic young woman who promptly advised me that, ‘everyone else, they’re part-time Muslims – you don’t need to talk to them ‘cos they know nothing’. On a number of occasions like this then, I had to be wary of associating myself exclusive ly with a ‘loud and proud’ minority of religious activists. I did not want to be alienated from the ‘silent majority’ whose religious identity was routinely ‘ethnic’ and unconscious. Both groups were of equal interest to me as both represent important trends in British-Muslim identity formation.
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The contribution of migrants and ethnic minorities to entrepreneurship in the United Kingdom

The contribution of migrants and ethnic minorities to entrepreneurship in the United Kingdom

by the need to combine immigrants with those born in the UK. To date, much reliance has been placed on self-employment survey data from the Labour Force Survey (recently renamed the Adult Population Survey), which may or may not be representative of either attempts to start new businesses or of the rate of new business creation (Clark and Drinkwater 2006, Ormerod 2007). There is also the issue of intergenerational change in entrepreneurial activity. It has been argued on the one hand that second and third generation immigrants might be more likely to enter the professions to gain social status, and on the other that continuing discrimination in the labour market might hinder this transition (Bachkaniwala, Wright, and Ram 2001). Such issues cannot be settled with small scale, multiple case methodologies that have been the main feature of ethnic minority research in the UK.
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