The tables below show the local authorities with the lowest turnout rates for local elections. In England, councillors are elected for 4 year terms. They are not all elected at the same time: some authorities (including London boroughs and all county councils) hold elections every four years, while others elect a proportion of members in each year. In Scotland and Wales, councillors are elected every four years. Local elections are often held together with other elections (for example, in 2014 they coincided with the European Parliamentary elections), which can affect turnout. This means turnout figures cannot straightforwardly be compared across different types of local authorities and across time, although they do provide a rough indication of which localities are more disengaged than others.
Participating local authorities will be piloting Citizens’ Juries to open up a decision they have to make to citizen deliberation. One of the key elements of a Citizens’ Jury is that they are made up of a random selection of the local population accounting for age, ethnicity, gender and potentially other characteristics. This means that the Jury is truly representative of the demographics of the area in which it takes place. The Local Authorities will be supported in this by a Democracy Support Contractor (to be appointed) who will assist them in designing and implementing a process that works for their context, as well as funding to cover costs. 94
Moreover, the relationships create increasingly favourable conditions for active trading. For example, the dependencies within consultant-fund manager relationship and the fund manager rivalry for pension fund clients, further encourages fund managers to trade, which suggests that the fund managers are likely to continue to focus on the short-term investment and outperformance, through active stock trading. At the same time, persisting and worrying pension fund deficits (The Purple Book, 2009; 2010; 2011) also give strong grounds to suggest that pension fund trustees are likely to continue to focus on the performance of their investment portfolios, and thus encourage the trading mentality within their investment fund managers. This has relevance to the interim Kay Review (2012), which looks at the causes of short- termism within the UK equity markets, and the latest Report of the Ownership Commission (2012), which attempts to enforce better investor stewardship and closer links between the share owners, and raises concerns that these regulatory efforts may prove limited, in action and effect. We suggest that in debating the desirability of increased pension fund involvement in corporate governance as significant holders of shares, policymakers ought to consider the extent of pension funds’ reliance on other agents and indeed the complexity of interdependencies and influence dynamics within the investment chain.
Disadvantaged and disengaged, and unlikely to reengage without interventions (particularly those deemed ‘economically inactive’ (Office of National Statistics, 2014; Audit Commission, 2010)), key factors contributing to sustained NEET status (6 months+) include: economic hardship, poor social functioning, teenage pregnancy/parenthood, delinquency, low educational attainment, substance abuse, disability, carer responsibilities, and lack of parental support (O’Dea et al, 2014; Welsh Government Social Research, 2013; Dietrich, 2012; Audit Commission, 2010; Kieselbach, 2003). Low self-esteem is a significant issue, as is stigma, both contributing to social exclusion and negative behaviours (Miller et al, 2015; Yates & Payne, 2006; Kieselback, 2003). Miller et al (2015) reports that many NEET youth feel marginalized and perceive themselves to be viewed negatively by formal and traditional structures (civic and community), and that “this affected the young people’s belief in equal opportunities and resulted in the development of varying resilience strategies, the most typical being isolation from and resentment to these structures” (2015, p6). Delinquency rates are higher than peers, as is the prevalence of mental health issues (O’Dea et al, 2014; Audit Commision, 2010). The 2014 Princes Trust Annual Youth Index (Princes Trust, 2014), the largest UK youth study of its kind (2161 participants aged 16-25 (265 NEET)), reports that NEET youth are more than twice as likely as their peers to be prescribed anti-depressants, with 40% (n265) having experienced symptoms of mental illness as a direct result of their situation. Such issues are compounded by fatalistic opinions (Miller et al, 2015) and feelings of helplessness. The Princes Trust (2014) reports that 74% of NEETs stated that they would not ask for help even when struggling to cope, and that 72% felt that they had no one to confide in regardless.
their impact, either on parliament or government, is doubtful. The operation of the public petitions system has been the focus of committee inquiry in the past, but, in recent years, it has become a prominent aspect of the parliamentary agenda. This is in part because of a reorientation towards issues of public engagement overall. However, it is also partly a response to the way in which petitioning works elsewhere in the UK, and is thus a demonstration of institutional learning and (some) procedural transfer in action. The Scottish Parliament at Holyrood has, from its inception, endeavoured to make public petitioning an integral part of its organisational make-up. There is a dedicated Public Petitions Committee, which accepts both paper and electronic submissions. Petitions may be referred to other parliamentary committees, may form the basis for parliamentary debate, and, because of the procedures of the Scottish Parliament, can ultimately lead to legislative change. The operation of the petitioning system at Holyrood has therefore become a focus of interest for those Westminster MPs who are anxious to improve the way that the public engages with and impacts on parliamentary work.
Despite the inconsistencies and potential ambiguities evident in the use of racialized cat- egories in UK scientific practice, legislation and government bureaucracy, there are nonetheless many in the public sphere who recognize their utility in monitoring the extent and impact of disadvantage (both historical and contempo- rary). Since racialized classifications of social identity draw upon the very same criteria as those determining exposure to discrimination and ‘structural violence’, their use to reveal dis- parities in attitudes, living conditions and well- being offer prima facie evidence that racism can be implicated as a likely cause. For some (such as Sharia Awan, writing recently in ‘The Blog’ for the Huffington Post), the UK’s racialized cat- egories appear essential for revealing disparities in access to, and uptake of, goods and services from public and private providers. Many of these providers have a legal duty to address such dis- parities, yet few display any aptitude or success in doing so (Salway et al., 2016). Racialized catego- ries have also been instrumental in documenting the extent of racially-motivated violence in the UK, notably the surge in reported incidents that occurred in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 Referendum on continuing membership of the European Union.
Instead, Tan believed that the country’s unnec- essary and growing preoccupation with “race awareness” was likely to “cause division rather than inclusion”. The resulting political sensitiv- ity surrounding the term ‘race’ can, Tan argued, create an environment in which associated issues (like immigration and identity) cannot be dis- cussed “properly… because anyone who wants to raise the subject is labeled as bigoted or racist”. Moreover, Tan suggested that ‘silencing’ such dis- cussion can risk “alienating a class from British politics and driving people to support genuinely racist parties.” This trope has been a mainstay of Conservative Party political campaigning for over a decade, as evident in a controversial 2005 general election campaign poster that declared: “It’s not racist to impose limits on immigra- tion”. It was also a view espoused by ‘Vote Leave’ campaigners on their way to winning the 2016 Referendum on the UK’s membership of the European Union; and one that former Labour Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, did little to dis- pel in his off-camera (though on-microphone) description of a constituent as “a bigoted woman” after she had voiced concerns over immigration during the 2010 general election.
In group discussions, many young people who did not identify as volunteers talked about ways in which they helped people in their communities, such as taking on extra responsibilities in their school or translating for neighbours. Young people also mentioned barriers to volunteering, such as limited access to information on opportunities, age restrictions, the negative attitudes of adults in placements, and the associated costs related to volunteering, such as travel.
publisher quality (Goodson, Dillman, and Hira, 1999: 258). The top- ranked journal in political science, the American Political Science Review, is published by a UK publisher, Cambridge University Press. Other measures of international research quality in politics are worth highlighting. For instance, empirical rankings based on political scientists’ ratings of the impact of selected political science journals consistently rank the British Journal of Political Science as one of the world’s top ten journals in political science (Garand, 1990: 449; Garand and Giles, 2003: 296). A 2007 ranking of political science journals also placed the European Journal of International Relations as one of the top ten journals in political science (Giles and Garand, 2007: 743) Other UK-based politics niche journals, principally the European Journal of Political Research, Political Studies, Europe-Asia Studies, Government and Opposition, International Affairs, Third World Quarterly, and the Journal of Common Market Studies, also achieve high rankings in US-based ranking surveys of political science journals. Ongoing research by McLean, Blais, Garand, and Giles (2008) suggests that there is a great deal of consensus about what constitutes international quality in political science journals and this research indicates that British politics journals are highly regarded.
Changes in the academic environment suggest that the nature of academics' work has changed significantly in the last two decades (Kinman, 2008). Reductions in funding, relatively low pay, heavy workloads, long working hours, the growth in the number of students, poor communications, role ambiguity and striving for publications have been identified in many studies as factors that contribute to work stress (e.g. Archibong, Bassey, & Effiom, 2010; Kinman, 2008; Rutter, Herzberg, & Paice, 2002; Winefield & Jarret, 2001). A substantial literature over the past four decades has consistently shown that work stressors cause illness and reduce productivity at work (Kinman, 2008). There is now an acceptance that certain levels of work stress are inevitable, so employers should be promoting the psychological well-being of their employees to help them cope better with stress (NICE, 2009). The main objective of the study was to examine why some academics cope better with stress at work and preserve their well-being and mental health. Identifying the psychological characteristics and coping styles of academics who seem more able to cope with the stresses of academia is novel in stress research where the focus is normally on those do not cope well. Knowledge of what appears to work in terms of psychological characteristics and coping styles will allow new interventions to be developed to facilitate coping with stress at work. Individual characteristics such as gender, job position and personality characteristics may influence individuals' coping abilities. They may interact with job stressors and either exacerbate or alleviate work stress (Sharpley, Reynolds, Acosta, & Dua, 1996). Stress
There is a dynamic frequently observed in clinical practice, where self-regulation of a client’s own inner world seems to vanish together with any coherence between long term goals and outer behaviour. This is a psychosis: “in which thought and emotions are so impaired that contact is lost from external reality” (Saones and Stevenson, 2005). The “trauma” in the title refers to any event that prompts this disengagement response. Trauma may be connected to abuse but may also be due to “drugs or alcohol”, “biochemistry mess–ups”, the way that “some may not feel ready for the weighty plod-plod of body connectedness” or even the “effects of aging” (Williams, 1998, pp. 19-20).The title also implies there are aspects of human identity that can disengage from the everyday person, but can return. Specifically, some identity remains with the person, but crucial aspects (self-regulation, long-term sense of direction in life, ability to modulate inner experiences and sensory impressions, and the linking of these to the person’s sense of self) become much less apparent. When these aspects of identity connect again with the physical and psychosocial aspects of life, essential skills re-emerge. For instance; verbal and written language, ordinary memory, awareness of time, organisational abilities, ability to reflect objectively upon events, an understandable sense of humour, and the ability to modify self-expression.
My initial academic advisor was Stanton Wortham, who produced breakthrough work on the Linguistic Anthropology of Education (2003). He was a student of Michael Silverstein and a contemporary of Asif Agha (with whom I took linguistic anthropology coursework). Taken together, these scholars have made significant contributions to the field of linguistic anthropology and specifically the social domain of language use in the field. Later, I was advised by Kathleen D. Hall, a cultural anthropologist who is well known for her extensive fieldwork with Sikh youth in Britain. She was an advisee of Bernard Cohn and student of John and Jean Comaroff. Both Drs. Wortham and Hall were trained at the University of Chicago and later continued to practice ethnography at the University of Pennsylvania. It was at Penn GSE that I began my training in the foundations of linguistic and cultural anthropology with the influence that Dell Hymes had on shaping the ethnographic tradition there. Coursework on the methodologies of discourse analysis in educational linguistics, and the Marxist theory that connected social science research to ethnography helped shaped my understanding of how I could investigate the learning experiences of Latino boys in Marshall 7 . Especially helpful was the work of John L. Jackson and his
Our results are consistent with there being a deficit in shifting attention in Rett but not specifically with a deficit in disengaging attention on top of that. This deficit is likely to involve difficulty in oculo-motor processes. Oculomotor processes, which underlie the control of planned eye movements, are thought to be involved in mediating baseline performance. These processes involve pathways from the retina to the superior colliculus (Hood & Atkinson, 1993), or those needed for cortical disinhibition of the superior colliculus (Csibra et al., 1997; Csibra et al., 1998). Performance on overlap trials, where disengagement is required, is thought to also recruit areas of the parietal cortex, as indicated by prolonged ERP activity observed in this region prior to saccade execution (Csibra et al., 1997; Csibra et al., 1998).
The index could be seen as a simple guide for political journalists on ‘how to gather news.’ It may also be argued that it being in place protects journalists from criticisms that their stories are unobjective, biased or lacking in authority. Zaller and Chui say the index allows political journalists to reflect the range of views that exists within the government (Zaller & Chui, 1996: 385) but it could also mean that primary definers (Hall, 1978: 53-77) are able to influence the control of the news media agenda. These primary definers have been described as those who have the power to ‘set the agenda’ and ‘define the terms’ of what and who is discussed in the news media. They “translate into a public idiom the statements and viewpoints of the primary definers” (Hall, 1978: 53-77) who range from politicians and political parties to those in business, key pressure groups and respected academics. Their continued presence in the everyday news media means that their views (and the range of views they represent) can become the norm and are able to sway the direction that journalists take, specifically, and the news media take in general. If this were the case, then political economists argue that the news media as the fourth estate are strongly influenced and dependent on many of who sit in the first three estates and, are therefore unlikely to be effective watchdogs. Furthermore, whilst primary definers are virtually “guaranteed access to all the major media - and protected against irresponsible attack - by virtue of their position” (Bennett, 1996: 70), they could be accused of providing ah illusion that a plurality of voices are being heard. The argument could then be put that this illusion means that rather than a genuine range of views and increased information being available, there would be more predictability within the constricted limits of the news media.
While there are a lot of studies that discuss about Obama and Bush political speeches, it is still hard to find ones that compares Obama and Trump‘s political speeches. Moreover, these studies are mostly talking about the linguistic strategy that is used and its purpose. Thus, this study will compare Obama and Trump‘s political speeches and look into it beyond the linguistic elements. As they are the two recent President of the United States, their policy as well as their speech plays a big role in shaping the immigrant discourse. The aim of this study is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump‘s speech about immigration. In order to do that, the study is going to answer the question of how they define immigrants in their speech. Simultaneously, it will also answer the question of how they place immigrant in the American society. To answer these questions, their speeches are going to be analyzed through the three-dimensional framework by Norman Fairclough. Using the three- dimensional framework, the ideology can be understood by first analyzing the text. After that, its production and distribution in the political discourse will be seen through the notion of power relation. Finally, the relation between these speeches with the society will be seen through how they put immigrant in the American society.
This article uses 2014-15 data released as part of the UK Government’s Open Data Initiative (ODI) to explore how CPA is patterned and the exogenous and endogenous characteristics shaping businesses’ access to political decision-makers. The data provides a snapshot of interactions between firms and the UK Cabinet Office. The Cabinet Office is effectively responsible for overseeing and synchro- nising the work of other government departments and ensuring that the gov- ernment’s agenda is followed. It extends the reach of the Prime Minister’s Office and therefore also influences policy formation and implementation. The Cabinet Office’s centrality to UK policy making—and non-sectoral brief—made it an ideal vehicle with which to explore differential access. We use broad brush- strokes to understand the general patterning of UK CPA (rather than produce detailed explanations of why certain firms and sectors may fare better than oth- ers). Our findings confirm the essentially pluralist texture of the UKpolitical economy through the sheer numbers of individual businesses participating in lobbying, drawn from most of the UK’s industrial sectors.
The results displayed in figures 3 and 4 clearly demonstrate that reducing parasite viru- lence in asymmetric coevolution can reduce the effects of disengagement. In particular, the greater the inherent asymmetry, the greater the effect reducing virulence has upon results. The asymmetry imposed in this model gave the biased parasite population a great advantage over the coevolving host population. Purely by stochastic effects one would expect individuals from parasite populations to contain more ones than those from host populations. This is observed in figures 3 and 4. The difference in the speed with which the two populations initially move through the genotype space (resulting from the different mutation biases) ensures that disengagement occurs rapidly, and once it has occurred the same mutation biases tend to restrict each population to a dif- ferent portion of the genotype space. Mutation bias pushes each population towards a particular ratio of ones to zeros, i.e., 0:5 for hosts and, dependent upon mutation bias, 0:75 or 0:9 for the parasites. As a result, both populations will remain disengaged until
It can be uttered in this manner that those who perform kickboxing show more aggressive behaviours than those who do Takvando sports, and their behaviours for moral disengagement is higher. In this regard, it can be said that the athletes, who perform kickbox requiring more power, hardness and technic and done more freely, produce more aggressive behaviours and go further away athletic virtue and morality than the athletes doing taekwondo that is indicated as the way for becoming calm. Gurpinar (2014) argued in his study in line with the literature review that the moral decision-making attitude scores of the students who are engaged in football is lower than the other branches. In addition, the moral decision-making attitude scores of the students dealing with volleyball are higher than the students doing other sports and this case was explained as follows; the individuals doing contactless sports adopted trick and competition less than the ones performing contacted, and protected to win fairly more.
Moreover, instructors are also influenced by the corporate structure of universities by creating an atmosphere that encourages the disengagement compact attitude. Universities have not adequately adjusted their resources to accommodate expansion, resulting in the overburdening of instructors, graduate students, and professors with both teaching and research responsibilities. More than that, universities have been capitalizing on part-time and contract employees because they are a cheap source of labour and have fewer legal rights (Turk, 2000). The recent media coverage of the Teaching Assistant’s Strike at the University of Toronto is an example of universities’ over-reliance on graduate students as instructors. According to those students who are striking, despite the fact that graduate students are responsible for over 60% of teaching responsibilities, they are forced to live 4000 dollars under the poverty line (Schwartz, 2015; Yazdanian, 2015). Rather than investing in more full-time faculty, universities rely on part-time or graduate student instructors because they produce the same level of work for a much lower wage. Moreover, graduate students are primarily researchers and then educators second, meaning that if they are going to cut corners, it will most likely affect their teaching. As a result, regardless of their passion as educators, they may adopt an attitude reflective of the disengagement compact: “why bother ensuring that exams are challenging, rigorous and fair when it’s hardly a trade secret that the quickest way to ensure “student satisfaction” is simply to inflate their grades?” (Yazdanian, 2015, para. 9). Essentially, the changing structure of universities has encouraged increasing levels of disengagement by positioning students as customers and overworking instructors.
We live in a highly complex society that presents its citizens with many challenges and problems. In order to respond it, by making informed decisions, citizens have to appropriate certain key competencies, for instance, reasoning, communication, life long learning, among others. So education has never been seen such a central issue to promote individual growth as nowadays, and also a central issue to enact societal and economical growth. Despite education playing a central role in the international agenda, the failure of the school systems to teach all the students has never been so visible. Nowadays, one of the greatest challenges is to provide an answer to those students who have dropped out of school, or to those who have disengaged from it. Several actions have been developed, some of which concern pedagogic actions. Activities based on investigations in science classes are seen nowadays as a way to enact key competencies, but also to involve students with their own learning. But, what make these activities so successful in getting to all students and, even more, to those who have disengaged from the school system? In this paper, we will discuss the impact of activities based on investigation in secondary students’ involvement with school. Its efficacy seems to be related to identity issues. By changing classroom practices and relationships, not only among teachers and students, but also between students and school knowledge, this kind of activity allows the students to reconstruct new identities, where they can envisage new future paths.