Top PDF Politicization of Religion: Religion in Political Discourse

Politicization of Religion: Religion in Political Discourse

Politicization of Religion: Religion in Political Discourse

Politicization of religion is a term developed as the effect of religion, dealing with mixing materials in Quran, Hadith, fatw ā al-‘ulamā ’ (agreement of Muslim Intellectuals), with political matters (Effendy 2005). Related to this idea, Jürgen Habermas states that religion takes a more role in politics. In fact, religion issues lead people in deciding their political action in presidential election and regional selection, law legalization and local regu- lation, even in state constitution (Habermas 2011). In addition, Michaella L. Browers declares that based on law and theology there is no dichotomy between religion and politics (Browers 2004). Meanwhile, Ziaul-Haq points out that Islam is open to religion pluralism (Ziaul-Haq 2010). Ayla Gol also reveals that debates between Muslim and Secular are not really the main problem, the main one is to build a connection between religion and politics as found in Turkey (Gol 2009).
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The politicization of religion by the CCP: A selective retrieval

The politicization of religion by the CCP: A selective retrieval

Under Xi Jinping, and under the direction of Wang Zuo ’an in the SARA, many issues remain unresolved in the domain of religious affairs. There are even signs that the politicization of religion is going to give less emphasis on the cooperative side that was embodied with the idea of the compatibility with socialism under Hu Jintao, rather highlighting the more coercive dimension of the politicization, with an accent on the idea of religion as a threat. This is what recent documents on religious work suggest, where the emphasis is on legaliza- tion (fazhihua 法治化), not in the sense of a wider application of the rule of law to respect religious freedom, but rather a more comprehensive management of the affairs of religion in accordance with the law. The recent publication of a policy paper on religious work pointed to the following international factors as challenges to religious work: globalization, religious extremism, and the role played by the internet. It also included challenging domestic factors such as the collateral damages of the reform and opening policy like growing inequalities, poverty, along with moral relativism, and decline in public morality. It is revealing of a bias towards a coercive politicization of religion that the strategy
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Weighing Schmitt’s political theology anew: Implicit religion in politics

Weighing Schmitt’s political theology anew: Implicit religion in politics

to his thought – cf. Motschenbacher 2000:11–23) was a perceived superficiality in society, particularly on theological or metaphysical dimensions to important political and other constructs not being recognised for the continued influence they had in the then-contemporary society. Schmitt in Politische Theologie II (1970), the second work important here on Schmitt’s understanding of the role of religion in political systems, takes as most important discussion points the 1935 book by Peterson, Monotheismus als politisches Problem (a topic which is still current; cf., e.g., Assmann 2003 and Schindler 1978). This reaction of Schmitt to Peterson was overtly because of Peterson’s negative interpretation in 1935 of Schmitt’s 1922 work (which would ruin their friendship). Surprisingly in legal-political discourse for our times, Schmitt draws heavily on analyses of important moments in earlier church history, namely, of Augustine of Hippo, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Council of Nicea in 325 AD (at which the orthodox position on the nature of the Trinity was decided; cf., e.g., Ayres 2006). As a broad thrust of argument, here too, Schmitt (1970) reacted against society being superficial, namely, through the denial of metaphysics and its impact in society. By means of nuanced, very finely formulated writing, he settles a number of personal scores, while in effect recuperating his 1922 published ideas (refined in some of his other Carl Schmitt, in a sense the initiator of Political Theology, proposed that all important political concepts are reinterpretations of or parallels to theological concepts. This insight is in this contribution described and applied to current political thought, for which it is valuable as modern democracies emerge from the secularism of modernism to a more fully self-aware post-secularism. Keywords: politics; theology; Carl Schmitt; post-secularism; metaphysics and society; implicit religion; faith and democracy.
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Religion and national identity in the Greek and Greek Cypriot political cultures

Religion and national identity in the Greek and Greek Cypriot political cultures

In this chapter we will be critically studying the production of nationalism on the part of the Church and its affiliated intelligentsia in the post-authoritarian period, w ith particular emphasis in the period starting from the enthronem ent of the radical archbishop Christodoulos Paraskevaidis in 1998 until his sudden illness in 2006 that dispensed m ost politicized activities. More specifically, the construction of the national im aginary in the political discourse of the Greek Orthodox Church shall be described, and explain w hy the C hurch rem ains a nationalist institution in our era. The Greek C hurch seeks to protect the role which has been assigned to it during the nation building period. Such is also the case in C yprus, w here the Church tries to protect its 'ethnarchic' role. Moreover, the present political discourse of the Greek Church signifies a structural change in Greek politics, whereby the C hurch emancipates from the political influence of the state, and assumes the role of an autonom ous political agent. W ithin this climate of antagonism betw een the C hurch and the state, a new series of com peting nationalist doctrines has developed, which have indeed provoked a debate over the Renegotiation' of Greek national identity. How ever, religious nationalism rem ains the hegemonic form of nationalist ideology in Greek and Greek- C ypriot political cultures and public discourse, and this can be explained on the basis of the tradition that the 1830-1865 and 1950-1974 historical developm ents produced, respectively for each country. Instead of a
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Human Rights Violations in Punjab: Religion and Political Violence

Human Rights Violations in Punjab: Religion and Political Violence

In February 1993, Punjab police Chief KPS Gill had confidently announced that militancy had been crushed in Punjab. Through the year, the police had killed 794 suspect militants, arrested 970 and 379 voluntarily surrendered. The most telling figure demonstrating the decline of insurgency was the relatively small number of people killed by “the militants” in 1993: only 24 civilians and 23 Security force personnel. In contrast, the comparative figures for 1992 had been 1,266 and 252.29 However, in the troubled political condition of Punjab, the proper support that was gained by Beant Singh’s Congress (I) government was quickly eroding for several reasons. Firstly, the crowning achievement of Beant Singh’s government-- the apparent “crushing” of Sikh militancy – was quickly fading into the background as other, mostly economic, issues were becoming more salient in Punjab’s political discourse. Secondly, corruptionhad become so rampant in Beant Singh’s government that many cabinet ministers were either being investigated for misdeeds or were actually facing criminal charges. Thirdly, Beant Singh was losing his unchallenged control over Punjab’s Congress (I) party as new, younger leaders were quickly emerging to the forefront of the organization. Lastly, in an increasingly post-militancy Punjab, the Punjab Police had failed to revert back to more “normal” modes of operation.30
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The precarious relationship between religion and political representation

The precarious relationship between religion and political representation

Orientalism, like Ernest Renan, that the Muslim mind is not suitable for scientific thinking, Erbakan points to the Muslims’ contributions to the development of modern science. In doing that, he makes a lengthy list of the contributions of Muslim men of science in such fields as mathematics, algebra, logarithm, trigonometry, physics, chemistry, medicine, history, geography and social living (having a bath, use of toilet and underclothing). This perspective, though, reflects a heavy mood of self-defense, but is functional in the regaining of the Muslim self-confidence vis à vis Western colonial arrogance. In this way, the naïve positivist mission based on such clichés as “You Muslims are still busy with prayer and wudu’ while foreigners have gone to the Moon and stars” has been challenged. See Necmettin Erbakan, Milli Görüß (National Outlook) (Istanbul: Dergah Yayınları, 1975), 63 – 89. In fact, this defensive discourse attesting prime importance to the protection of society from immoral and decadent insults of the West is shared by all nationalist- conservative formulations of modernization. See Binnaz Toprak, Islam and Political
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Discourse of Religion on Politics in Israel: The Compatibility of Judaism and Democracy

Discourse of Religion on Politics in Israel: The Compatibility of Judaism and Democracy

The start of politically relevant religious events can be dated back to the invasion led by Joshua. The story is taken from the Bible, and is thus religious, but it is political in that it “describes ethnic rivalry and the conquest of territory. The control of territory by a religious or ethnic community is by nature associated with government and politics, as is the manner in which authorities rule the territory” (Sharkansky 5). Additionally, the Bible helps shape current politics and religion. With that come many disputes that are fueled by the Holocaust and the establishment of Israel. Of course, a moderate degree of conflict is necessary if not beneficial to a state or society. “Chronic dispute,” however, “may be endemic to Judaism [since] the term ‘Jews’ includes individuals with a wide variety of beliefs and practices” (10).
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Discourse analysis of religion and inter communal conflicts and its causes in Nigeria

Discourse analysis of religion and inter communal conflicts and its causes in Nigeria

Another area that always generates tension is the issue of indigene and strangers., Tension has persisted because of economic or political hegemony of settlers, which is vehemently resisted by natives, who put in their might to prove the ownership of their lands. Of course, this promotes their primordial ties and makes it to be stronger; however, on the other way round it heats up polity by generating ethnic or identity conflict. Anugwom and Oji (2004) wrote that beginning from the colonial era, the Northern religion manifested signs of ethno-religious divergence, as there was a rigid distinction in interaction and residence between the indigenes and those from outside the religion. Okpara (2013) opines as follows:
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POLITICAL VIOLENCE & TERRORISM: THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL MOVEMENTS

POLITICAL VIOLENCE & TERRORISM: THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL MOVEMENTS

This work is a comparative analytical paper between V. Tishkov‟s: Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society, 2004 and D. Lan‟s: Guns and Rains: Guerrillas & Spirit Mediums in Zimbabwe, 1985. In this essay, I will explore the influence of religion on political movements. Further, I will show the varying processes of how religions such as, Islam and Traditional African Religion (TAR) got co-opted or captured into the agitations of mainstream political groupings. More so, I will examine the discourse of the mode of operations of these religious persuasions and their social notion of violence. Primarily, the general perception of violence or conflict in any culture is considered evil or bad, especially worse when it has religious connotations. Nordstrom &Martin, citing Riches, observed that the term „violence‟ is a politically-correct word, which socio-political actors avoid using but victims never stop referring to, because of its impact on them (Nordstrom & Martin, 1992, p. 7). More so, Durkheim and Parsons consider violent conflicts as dysfunctional or negative but Fanon (1963) argued that conflict in general and violence in particular are positive tools to effect social change or to decolonize (Nordstrom & Martin, 1992, p. 30). Thus violence or conflict, becomes positive when it restores social order, but negative when it brings about social disorder.
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The Power of Persuasion:Hindutva, Christianity, and the discourse of religion and culture in Northeast India

The Power of Persuasion:Hindutva, Christianity, and the discourse of religion and culture in Northeast India

Nari Rustomji, a Government advisor, addressed some of these concerns during his time in the frontier regions of India. Notwithstanding the fact that Christianity is enmeshed as a cultural identity, he argues that for the Nagas Christianity has also mobilised a political identity to resist a ‘Hindu’ assault. In 1959 when the Nagas wanted to broadcast Christian messages via radio, many of his Government colleagues in Assam were uneasy. This was due to rumours that the Naga Hills district of Assam wanted to use Christianity as a buffer against ‘Hindu’ cultural and religious dominance in the plains of Assam. Some even wondered if the adoption of Christianity would give rise to foreign allegiances, such as with America (Rustomji 1983: 63-64). This kind of critique is central to RSS rhetoric which can be traced back even to the second RSS chief Golwalkar’s tirade against Christian missionaries for encouraging secessionism and fomenting Naga independence (Golwalkar 2000: 236-237). Nevertheless, Rustomji suggested that the Nagas do not feel they belong to India when they travel outside the region, due to the stereotyping and harassment they face in the hands of the ‘Indian’ public through mistaken identity (even by officialdom). In many instances, they are considered Chinese, or Vietnamese but not ‘Indian’ (1983: 31). Moreover, many Sangh activists see the advocacy of Christianity in Nagaland (and the Northeast of India) as a political tool aimed at undermining Indian authority (see Buamik 2004).
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Arendt's political theology:from political religion to profanation

Arendt's political theology:from political religion to profanation

In this sense Arendt is a contemporary case for the political/philosophical re-appropriation of religious images. Everything depends, in this procedure, on the notion of immortality: overcoming the limitations of one’s biological life through public/political action and speech. If we can think of immortality in materialist terms, we have no need for God or for the Sovereign. Along the same lines, in a profaned horizon, faith becomes the idiot’s ‘belief to know.’ ‘Salvation’ can be understood in terms of political appearance. And ‘evil’ can be re-articulated as apolitical blindness, automatic rule-following and the loss of reality. In this way, Arendt’s conceptual apparatus opens up the religious imagination to political thought and action. Instead of turning her back to religion, Arendt ‘politicizes’ its imaginary truths, accommodating them in her own discourse. In the same movement, the promissory aspect of religion is re-inscribed in the political tradition. It has absolutely nothing to do with Arendt´s Jewishness. It is rather an insistence on a common political future that escapes the logic of identity. It is the transcendence of the divine inscribed within the political as that which enables and opens for the new. It is not a promise of an otherworldly salvation but one to be strived for in this life in and through the political community.
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Religion and Political Economy in an International Panel

Religion and Political Economy in an International Panel

Religion, Smith argued, is more vibrant where there is a disassociation between church and state. The absence of state religion creates a climate for competition among religion providers (Smith [1791, Book V, Article III]). By showing no preference for a particular religion, but rather permitting any religion to be freely practiced, Smith argued that the state would create an open market in which rational discourse among religious groups would generate a public display of “good temper and moderation.” In an open religion market, Smith predicted a continual subdividing of sects so that a pluralistic structure would naturally emerge in which no single religion dominated. He also contended that, where there is state support for a religious monopoly or for an oligopoly among religions, one will find zealousness and the imposition of ideas on a public that lacks choices. In contrast, where there is an open market for religion, his prediction was that one would find moderation and reason.
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Folk Religion in Discourse and Practice

Folk Religion in Discourse and Practice

One of the principal contributions of Michel Foucault (1989) was to draw attention to the very concrete dependence that exists between the production of knowledge through discursive practices of scholars and the institutionalisation of systems of power. Indeed, as “discourses are themselves practices that influence non-discursive elements” (von Stuckrad 2010: 159) the scholar of religion or the folklorist does not stand outside the power relations that define the field. Controlling the discourse means having the power to categorise, label and organise knowledge and therefore the scholar plays as active a role structuring the ‘folk religious field’ as the theologian, the cleric or the national ideo- logue. As I have illustrated above, the fieldworker has her or his own lenses that identify and objectify religious practices, behaviours and beliefs. The encounter that takes place in the field of practice, by which I mean the practice of religion and its juncture with the discursive practices of the scholar, is essentially an encounter that is both power-laden and politically charged. The debate that was opened up by Primiano in regard to ‘folk religion’ highlights the need for scholars to be attentive to all the ideological connota- tions and semantic trails of the terms they use and ensure that crucial political aspects, such as gender, class and race are picked out and not masked by classificatory systems.
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Political Religion: Secularity and the Study of Religion in Global Civil Society

Political Religion: Secularity and the Study of Religion in Global Civil Society

The alternatives are sobering. For the religions, if they fail to rise to the challenge of global pluralism and constructive interrelatedness, there is the bleak prospect of a plethora of rigid fundamentalisms, incapable of accommodating otherness and unable to enter the public sphere except to reinforce their obsessions and do battle with all who differ from them. For international relations, the consequences would be even more disastrous than they are proving to be at present. For the study of religions, the ultimate outcome of a sterile ‘science envy’ would be a steady loss of plausibility and legitimacy, ending in irrelevance and confirming Paul Griffiths’ pessimistic forecast: “This [assumption] makes the future of the nontheological academic study of religion just what it should be: bleak” (Griffiths 2006: 74). The admittedly large claim being made is that the empathetic study of religions in their interrelationships can make a political contribution to warding off the threat of fundamentalism while providing international relations as a praxis with some purchase in its attempts to establish the bases of civilised behaviour in the global public forum. A negative outcome is not inevitable if Religious Studies, short of becoming somebody’s particular ‘theology’ but also without succumbing to a dis- and uninterested scientism, can renew itself by coming to grips with the ethical and political challenges the religions must now meet in the emerging global civil society. Richard Falk expresses this in words that I can make my own:
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Religion and Political Socialization in Context: A Regional Comparison of the Political Attitudes of American Jews

Religion and Political Socialization in Context: A Regional Comparison of the Political Attitudes of American Jews

An example may clarify this last point. Although there are very few jurisdictions in the United States in which Jews would constitute anything close to a majority of the population, in some settings (e.g. large cities in the Northeast and Midwest), there exist a sufficient number of Jews (in an abso- lute sense) to sustain multiple synagogues. A Jew living in New York, or in the North suburbs of Chicago, may choose among Orthodox, Reform, or Conservative congregations, and perhaps even among synagogues within each of these branches of the tradition. Indeed, the market model predicts that, given a critical mass of potential members, leaders of different denomi- nations will need to compete among themselves, and to offer diverse theo- logical, social, and (perhaps) political emphases. Conversely, in a commun- ity where the number of Jews is too small to sustain more than one temple, such differences among branches of Judaism are likely to seem more threat- ening to a shared Jewish heritage. The synagogue example, of course, can be extended to include businesses (grocery stores, restaurants), community organizations, or local media. The general point here is that intra-Jewish differentiation may not be a viable option in communities in which multiple Jewish institutions are not feasible.
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Religion, religion! Wherefore art thou, religion? Enactment in interreligious encounters as walking the talk

Religion, religion! Wherefore art thou, religion? Enactment in interreligious encounters as walking the talk

In this dialogue, Juliet is considering the difficulty of the challenges her love for Romeo exposed her to concerning their families. The correct interpretation of this stanza suggests that only the family name is her enemy. She does not see Romeo as her enemy. The emphasis here is the idea that the name of the family should not determine the humanness of the person. To relate this to religion is to suggest that religion is only a name given to a belief system (‘a family’, whether it includes a divine being or not), but behind this ‘family’ are human beings. In this regard, therefore, interreligious dialogue viewed this as an opportunity to reach the human being behind the religion. To this fact, the dictum ‘religions don’t dialogue, but humans do’ is indeed very appropriate in this context. This is what Juliet is trying to encapsulate in her exclamation that ‘I want to relate to you and not to who you belong to’. In the case of Romeo and Juliet, the name of their families became a serious challenge in their relationship with each other, and as much as they cared for each other, the challenges they faced eventually led to their demise.
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Religion in Quarantine: The Future of Religion in a Post-Pandemic World

Religion in Quarantine: The Future of Religion in a Post-Pandemic World

pandemic serves as an important and ongoing moment of refining evangelical Christianity from the ground up. For me, it began on Facebook with people sharing stories about Copeland’s “cure” for the virus, where instead of disidentifying with the preacher through ridicule or dismissal, I saw individuals seeking to clarify the message of the Gospel and its values. Instead of celebrating the clarity of their religious views in opposition to the politics of others, I observed compassionate messages seeking to dissuade people from following after someone perceived to have only his best interests at heart. Multiple friends spread video of Copeland accompanied by admonitions that Jesus “would not make loud and proud proclamations from the comfort of a studio” but would rather “get very near to those who were sick” to “heal them with compassion.” In the comments on such posts were further explanations of the personal nature of Jesus’s ministry, explanations of God’s perfect timing in handling even crises in the world, and encouragement to reach out and explore one’s own personal relationship with Jesus in contrast to the grandstanding kind of faith promoted by Copeland. There was a tenderness to these statements, containing a respect for the severity and reach of the pandemic combined with a love for lost souls that diverged strongly from the general tendencies of discourse on social media regarding religion. The collective realities of suffering and fear focused attention on our common humanity and supplied motivation for considerate and
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RELIGION 170-0-20: Religion in Human Experience

RELIGION 170-0-20: Religion in Human Experience

This course will introduce basic questions about religion, focusing on five specific religious traditions: Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Among the questions we will examine are these: how traditions arise and define certain texts and ideas as authoritative; how differences of perception lead to alternative branches within a religious tradition; how religion is manifested in the lives of contemporary individuals and communities; how sacred narratives or myths function within religions; how ideas about sacrifice become transformed; how meditation and contemplation become represented as ways to intensify religious awareness and achieve sainthood; how monotheist traditions relate to other forms of religion; how fundamentalisms arise and function in various religions; how theorists have imagined the origins of religion; how people have argued for a common set of moral norms, or shared mystical experience, as a core that underlies all religion.
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RELIGION 170-0-20: Religion in Human Experience

RELIGION 170-0-20: Religion in Human Experience

This course will introduce basic questions about religion, focusing on five specific religious traditions: Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Among the questions we will examine are these: how traditions arise and define certain texts and ideas as authoritative; how differences of perception lead to alternative branches within a religious tradition; how religion is manifested in the lives of contemporary individuals and communities; how sacred narratives or myths function within religions; how ideas about sacrifice become transformed; how meditation and contemplation become represented as ways to intensify religious awareness and achieve sainthood; how monotheist traditions relate to other forms of religion; how fundamentalisms arise and function in various religions; how theorists have imagined the origins of religion; how people have argued for a common set of moral norms, or shared mystical experience, as a core that underlies all religion.
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Understanding the anatomy of religion as basis for religion in education

Understanding the anatomy of religion as basis for religion in education

I base this thesis on the following. Every learner as a human being is essentially homo religiosus, in other words, religion forms an essential part of being human. Students have to encounter all the religions represented in their school in order to understand, know and respect their own religion as well as those of others. The assumption in the South African Policy on Religion and Education (2003: articles 54 and 55) that ‘(confessional) religious instruction (with a view to the inculcation or adherence to a particular faith or belief) is primarily the responsibility of the home, the family, and the religious community’ and therefore ‘may not form part of the formal school programme’ cannot be supported. Religion is a whole, comprising various distinguishable elements; religion instruction (religious instruction, according to the Policy) should resultantly also be a seamless undertaking for the religious wholeness of the students to be safeguarded. The South African Policy on Religion and Education (2003) causes an artificial rupture between on the one hand religion education, that is, instruction for the purpose of inculcating in young people the tenets of a particular faith and religious observances (article 58 ff.) and religion education as a formal examinable school subject (article 17 ff.) on the other. Most of the stipulations in the Policy are devoted to the latter as part of the formal school curriculum. What the Policy does is to destroy the unity of religion and hence that of religion education as an entirety. It bans a core aspect of students’ religious experiences from the school to the parental home and the religious institution. Although it provides for the accommodation of religion instruction in schools (outside of
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