In demystifying the concept of politics, especially within the context of this paper, two classical definitions easily run to mind. One is the Eastonian notion of politics as “authoritative allocation of values” (See Easton cited in Nwosu, 2006:2). The other is “Who gets what when and how”, (Laswell, 1958). Concise as these definitions may be, they capture Nigeria’s political class understanding of politics. No doubt, the geopolitics of Britain as at the time Easton, influenced his political thought, hence turning him inward to how scared resources and values could be shared. In like manner; the prebendalist, clientelist, myopic-, kleptocratic and crass materialistic character of the Nigeria’s political class defines their understanding of politics as unrestrained accumulation of societal values to the exclusion of the majority. Politics is essentially to the Nigerian political class a game of “who gets what, when and how” by which means values are authoritatively allocated by the managers of the state. A zero-sum game of winner takes all and loser loses all. The ‘how’ in the game is amorally immaterial for the political and ruling class. The fact, however, is that politics is pervasive. Indeed, I agree with Adebayo and Ogunleye in their submission that politics (especially in Africa) “is a matter of life and death, a game of human survival or perdition” (Adebayo and Ogunleye 2008). This is also well stressed by Deustch (1974: 6). He clearly asserts thus; “if civilization should be destroyed and most of mankind killed within the next twenty to thirty year, we shall not be killed by plague or pestilence; we shall be killed by politics”. In the main, the broader conception of politics as “who gets what, when and how” shall guide our discourse here.
Another serious challenge to women active participation in politics in Nigeria is lack of media support. Most of the political feats of women in Nigerian cultural histories are not properly mentioned / documented or down-played to make them irrelevant to the national history and heritage mainly because of the patriarchal nature of nation. Unfortunately, most media houses refuse to project the female political aspirants. For instance, Hon. Barrister (Mrs.) Ugochi Nnanna- Okoro, politician and former Peoples Democratic Party governorship aspirant in Imo state in the 2003 general elections in Nigeria had ugly experiences with the media. Ugochi, according to Nwankwo (2005) “was shocked to find her access to state-owned Radio and Television Stations blocked. Money she paid for publicity was returned to her ‘on the pretext that I failed to get approval from the Imo State Government, Also at the Imo Broadcasting service, some retorted, ‘Madam take back your money. I don’t want to be sacked’ she said”.
Democracy is generally defined as a form of government in which the masses have equal say in decisions that affect their affairs. These include equal participation in the proposal, development and passage of legislation into law, likewise social, economic and cultural conditions that enable free and equal practice of political self determination. Democracy must have as one of its basic attributes a free and responsible press. The press in a democracy must be free in the sense that it must not be the organ for the articulation of the interest of only those in power, but shall be advocated of higher national interest that retard, undermine or decree the social weal and the unifying bond that holds society together and guaranteed its solidarity integrity and sovereignty. Previously hindered by years of mismanagement, economic reforms of the past decade have put Nigeria back on track towards achieving its full economic potential. Lewis, (2011:32), states that Nigeria’s GDP doubled from $170.7 billion in 2005 to $374.3 billion in 2010, although estimate of the size of the informal sector put the actual numbers closer to 520 billion. Correspondingly, the GDP per capita doubled from $1200 per person in 2005 to an estimated $2,500 per person in 2009 (again, with the inclusion of the sector, it is estimated that GDP per capita hovers around $3,500 per person). It is the largest economy in the West Africa Region, 3rd largest economy in Africa (behind South Africa and Egypt) and on track to becoming one of the top 30 economics in the world in the early part of 2011.
On the day the article appeared, nine other women made the cover and back pages and seven other pages, but nothing was written about them (ibid). The Nigerian media see women as cash crops that must be packaged like candy bars. News about women rarely makes the front page. They make news as appendages of their husbands, (Anyanwu). There are two factors that have contributed to the marginalization of Nigerian women in the mass media. First, the domination of the news media by men and the preponderance of male perspective in the reporting, 'this has triggered' a situation where there is little focus on the participation of women in the political and economic spheres of the country. (Anyanwu, 2001). It should be noted that 80 percent of journalists in the country are men. Second, the belief in traditional societies such as Nigeria, that women are presumed to be less competent to men and that their place is in the kitchen. As Carli et al (2001) emphasize in the study entitled "Gender, hierarchy, and leadership: an Introduction" that, "these belief foster hierarchical patterns of social interaction through which men exert more influence and exercise more leadership" (Carli et al, 2001. p. 269) at the crux of this tradition. Consider this: In 1999, the country embarked on a contentious political issue concerning electoral bill to prepare her for the elections of 2003. The Senate passed the bill in the midst of controversy, thereby creating an atmosphere of noisy debate in the media. The voices of the women in the federal legislature were not heard. The hearts of searching questions were: "Did they not participate in the debate? What were their views? Nobody would know because the main stream media have muffled their opinions. Overall, the coverage of women in the Nigerian media is abysmal. This can be explained according to Mead, (1934) by the dominance of men in the mainstream media of the country. Consequently, these have led to dethematization of news concerning women and have helped to prepare this position by gender.
when the only restraining factor, really, should be age. The youths who are between the ages of 15 and 24 years, according to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), have the statutory rights to not only participate in politics, for example, through demonstrations, protests, etc., but also vie for elective offices and to vote for candidates of their choice in elections. They young people can be encouraged to discharge this political right through proper education, otherwise referred to here, as citizenship education. Despite findings that people below age 25 constitute more than half the population of most developing countries, the general view in both developed and developing countries of the world, particularly developing countries, is that political participation is the exclusive right of older citizens because political parties hardly ever field younger candidates for elective positions during elections, thereby disenfranchising the young people from politics (UNDP, 2013). Studies have shown that the young people lack political knowledge therefore, impacting on the level of political participation of this age group. In the same vein, scholars have found empirical evidence suggesting that a sense of civic duty propels young people who hitherto lack political knowledge or were unfamiliar with political affairs, to vote in elections. Apart from that, young people would rely on individual party‟s internal political efficacy to make then to participate in elections (Beck, 2006). Is this a justified position or assertion, that political participation is solely an “old man‟s” affair? If yes, what needs to be done? What needs to be done, therefore, is effective citizenship education that inculcates democratic values and principles in the younger generation
Abstract: This paper examines women’s participation in politics and their perfor- mance in electoral contests. Nigeria embraced democracy in 1999 after 16 years of consecutive military rule. Among the features of democracy, there is universal suffrage which ensures participation of all eligible citizens in the process of electing a leader. This paper adopts a qualitative method using data collected from In-Depth Interviews and Key Informant Interviews in some selected states in Nigeria. The findings of the study reveal that there is an increase in the number of women who participated in political party rallies, campaigns and registered as a voter but the percentage of wom- en who won elected political offices and political appointments are not commensurate with their level of participation. The study establishes that despite the number of reg- istered female voters in the general elections, they lack identity consciousness to vote for female candidates to reduce the gap between male and female representation in government. The preference of male candidates over female candidates could be at- tributed to religious, cultural, economic and psychological factors. The paper con- cludes that the absence of identity consciousness among women has aggravated the marginalized condition of women in government. Therefore, the reasons for the low participation of women in democratic governance in Nigeria – apart from cultural, financial and religious factors – are emotional factors and a lack of identity conscious- ness.
Accordingly, gender mainstreaming has become a central issue currently receiving a global attention. The concern on gender issues can be traced to the UN’s 1975 declaration of International women’s year. This interest was further climaxed during the fourth international women’s conference held in the year 1975 in Beijing, China which focused on “ Equity, Development and Peace” with the sole objective of reviewing and appraising the accomplishments recorded by the UN on women’s concerns over a period of ten years (1975-1985) (Akinboye, 2004). The growing concern to integrate and extend gender related issues beyond academic discourse into public policy and advocacy domain is borne out of the fact that women represent more than half of the world’s total population and have continued to contribute to human development. Thus, democracy, which is predicated on the principle of majority rule, is believed to be capable of providing a window of opportunity for the marginalized groups to participate in shaping policies and decisions that affect their lives (Walby, 2008). This assertion is based on the reasoning that programmes and policies formulated by any democratic government should be all inclusive in which case equal opportunities and improvement in socio- economic conditions are provided for everyone regardless of their colour, age, ethnicity, religion or gender. It is against this backdrop that the study carried out a situational analysis of women’s political participation in Nigeria. Thus, the study raised the following research questions: To what extent are gender inequality and discrimination against women in Nigerian politics? What are the factors responsible for the imbalance in women’s representation in elective positions? What are the explanations available for the emerging new trend in appointive positions of women in Nigerian politics?
The problem of poverty is a complex problem and multidimensional in nature. Therefore, poverty reduction efforts must be conducted in a comprehensive manner, covering various aspects of people's lives, and implemented integrated. Poverty must be a key goal of the resolution of the problems faced by Indonesia, because the basic aspects of referable economic development success can be measured, when the question of poverty can be handled in a professional manner. The Indonesian Government should continue to empower and build the poor to be able to manage Economic resources that can enhance income and standard of living of the community. There are several factors that can cause the onset of the problem of poverty, including, human resources are low, the SDA was not well was owned directly and properly, low education, do not have the knowledge to develop the sectors of the economy either in the field of agriculture as well as in the field of industry, and many more factors that lead to the onset of the problem of poverty as the author described above.
Another possible mechanism for Cameroon civil society to break the dominant militancy in CPDM party is by thoroughly employing advocacy instruments. Constant engagement between civil society organizations and the state in public policy issues and resource re-distribution can help to improve the countenance of the incumbent regime. As mentioned elsewhere, the deepening of political awareness programs is required by major civil society actors to impart political lessons to the masses so as to enable them to understand the difference between party politics and state issues. This will enable them to stand a better chance to hold the government accountable in economic and political mismanagement. In fact, a genuine democratic system gives way for accountability to be exercised from top-down and bottom-up. This means that where the government discharges certain developmental responsibilities to civil society organizations, they are required to be accountable both to the government and the civil society constituency they represent, and the government also have to comply with this same measure of accountability. For this to be achieved there must be some form of a state – civil society collaboration.
The AAP and the M5S are two privileged political phe- nomena from which to study the dynamic between local and national power. This is because their fundamental political statements are based on the empowerment of common people within the formal political arena. They both propose them- selves as the vehicles of such empowerment by stressing a par- ticipatory approach at the local level, although they have done so in different ways as is explored below. The power dynamic that has emerged shows that party-movements can negate the participatory principles that they defended in different rele- vant cases, especially if the central leadership is puzzled by in- ternal democratic demands or is preoccupied with strengthen- ing party unity. How do party-movements manage the dynam- ic between power at the local and national level? How do they combine their emphasis on bottom-up participation with the challenges of centralising electoral politics in critical situa- tions? What evidence does the dynamic between local and na- tional power dimensions within party-movements provide compared to the expectation of democratising access to politi- cal power? What evidence for the understanding of political power do we draw from the power dynamics of party- movements in transcultural perspectives?
Abstract: The study focused on languages of education in Nigeria and extent of implementation in the (UBE) Schools in Ebonyi State. The study adopted a descriptive survey design. The population of the study constituted all the Universal Basic Education teachers in the 13 LGA of the State. A sample study of 555 respondents was selected using proportionate stratified random sampling technique which reflected teachers in the urban and the rural schools. The instrument used was questionnaire which was validated and trial tested for reliability and a value of 0.84 was obtained. Mean and standard deviation were used to answer the research questions while t- test was used to test the hypotheses at 0.05 alpha level of significant. Findings showed that languages in education were implemented to a low extent and that extent of materials that enhance languages’ effective implementation were made available to a low extent which were more experienced in schools in rural areas. It was recommended that teachers should embrace stipulations of the Government based on the National Policy on Education and that the government should embark on training and retraining of teachers on different languages in Nigerian Education and provide other resources for effective language implementation.
fenomenology approach, Adolescence is a time of transition, where time is crucial in the determination of a person's life overall. This period is a period prone by negative influences, such as drugs. Drug relationship with teenagers nowadays is very tight. This means that many cases involving drug abuse teens. The biggest factor that becomes the cause is psychological instability of the teenager in the face of the problems of life in family, school, and community, in addition to other factors such as environmental influences or powerful drug syndicates. Drug abuse provides a very broad impact. Not only for the teenagers themselves, but also for people in the surrounding area include the social impact to psychological. Various methods of recovery for drug abusers into alternative areas such as Integrated Counselling Methods. However, once caught the drug then it will be hard to break free from it. Therefore, how important countermeasures that include preventive (precautionary), cure (eradication), and construction (socialization-promotif). Need the participation and awareness of all parties, parents and family until adolescence itself.
Ibrahim Babangida. These changes came as a result of the move by the administration to rid the political turf of old breed politicians whose political activities were believed to be detrimental to the promotion of good governance. The administration introduced the politics of newbreedism, which further galvanized the upsurge of corruption, entrenched interest and moneybagism in politics (Isekhure, 1992:25). As soon as the ban on politics was lifted for the transition to the Third Republic Isekhure (1992: 17&50) noted that ‚certain categories of Nigerians who themselves constituted persona-non-grata to the politics and collapse of the previous republics were desperately looking for associations to buy...‛ Others sponsored delegates to participate in conventions of some associations while the activities of certain individuals contaminated and hijacked ‚the formation of the political parties from their infancy through the avenue of money to install themselves in power...‛ ‚The group solidarity was mortgage for personal reward and propensity to make quick money and unholy alliance‛. This laid the fertile ground for reinforcement of patron-client politics with commercial undertone after the exit of the military in the Fourth Republic, 1999 to 2007.
established civil rule to replace military autocracy and lay claim to liberal democracy. According to Manning (2005), between 1990 and 1995, about 34 countries in Africa organized some form of legislative elections in order to return to civil rule. Bratton and van de Walle (1997) too note that as at 1994 there was no single de jure one party state in Africa. This scenario heightened the optimism that the new democracies would soon stabilize and eventually get consolidated like the western democracies. But this optimism has remained a mirage. The reality on ground in most African countries indicates that little or no progress has been made toward democratic consolidation. A recent Freedom House Report revealed that more than two decades after the Third Wave of democratization, most countries in Africa can be rated either as Partly Free or Not Free, as regards democratization. They are still grappling with issues such ascoup d’état, socio-political conflict, bad governance, sit tight syndrome, electoral violence, corruption and many other anti-democratic behaviours which overshadowed electoral successes (Huntington, 1991)Thus, the fervor and enthusiasm which greeted transition programmes in Africa soon began to wane and optimism gave way for pessimism. Meanwhile, some political scholars have made a distinction between liberal and illiberal democracy or civil rule and democratic rule. They opine that the conduct of elections to fill political offices is not synonymous with established democracy or democratic consolidation. Democratic consolidation means stabilizing a new democracy, making it secure and preventing it from the threat of relapsing into authoritarianism. Sadly though, only a few countries in Africa can boast of some level of stability and democratic credentials which can put them on the path of democratic consolidation.
Even if we set aside the veracity of Blair’s empirical judgements, it is hard read this passage and to not find his refusal to take responsibility for the consequences of his decision deeply disreputable. Is it so disreputable that it ought to lead us to question his integrity? Possibly. If we accept that political commitment cannot merely serve exemplary value, and that admirable politicians refuse to pass responsibility on to the world rather than owning it themselves, it appears that politicians who do not feel deep painful agent-regret when their actions do not succeed in furthering their political causes evince the wrong kind of response to their political failure as well as a bad understanding of the costs that politics has inflicted on them. In an ironic twist, there are consequently grounds for holding that admirable politicians will recognise that their integrity can be threatened by events that are outside of their control and for which they should not, necessarily, be morally blamed. 16
whose approach was highly qualitative (Das and Choudhury 2002: 107). Daniel Lerner developed a theory of moderniza- tion which proposes a sequential pattern of development. His theory of development focuses on four stages: urbanization, literacy, exposure to mass media and politicization (Das and Choudhury 2002: 107). The theory takes into account the rela- tionship between industrialisation that was started in the eighteenth century spurring advances in science and technolo- gy, urbanization, literacy and increasing media consumption especially in the twenty-first century where the advent of the internet removed virtually all obstacles posed by distance in communication and transformed the world into a global village. Community organizing has early roots in the settlement house movements and the pragmatic organizing of Saul Alinsky (Garvin and Cox 2001). Strategies from these contrib- uting branches of community organizing promoted participa- tion and social action among local peoples (Gamble and Weil 2010). Community organizing efforts used consciousness rais- ing, community building, and social action to promote em- powered communities as well as and individual and systemic social change (Brady 2012; Garvin and Cox 2001; Morris 1984). Community organizing is adopted to explain how peo- ple converge or embrace emerging technologies – especially the internet – in their daily activities which then permeate into politics and democratic processes. It has become a subtle means of convincing and assembling people without seeking the permission of authorities. Modern democracy, therefore, is faced with how to control the ever-growing impact of technol- ogy (particularly the internet) that has encroached into politics and has been influencing and shaping elections in some coun- tries while in others, the incumbent leaders have been employ- ing every means available to control the power of the internet.
These incentives, he averred, would encourage investment in tourism industry by private sector. He further pinpointed that the industry is too big for the government agency (Tourism Bureau) alone to shoulder. The private sector needs to invest in this vital sector of the economy. Ejom (2004) opined that private sector participation in the development and growth of any economy is one very transparent and necessary ingredient required to turn around a non-performing economy to a path of growth. Uhuegbu (2002) stressed on the need for private sector participation in tourism development. The private sector’s role in tourism development should be encouraged, so as to enhance the growth of tourism facilities such as game reserves, resorts, etc. Tourism, according to Anijah-Obi (2001), has become a worldwide industry which is at different levels of development from one nation to another. This, therefore, implies that the development of the sector is not uniform.
Taiwo further said that the only way out is to give equal representation of both men and women in politics, change our custom and tradition to women being visible in politics in Nigeria to avoid the country’s political space for women shrinking as Nigerian democracy advances. This last election in 2011 is a mirror that allows for a critical assessment of the number of women in power in Nigeria. The data from INEC data base shows that in 2011 general elections, 909 out of 10037 (9%) candidates for all elective positions were women while 9128 out 10037 (91%) candidates for all elective positions were men (Deji, 2011). These positions include the Presidency, governorships and parliamentary seats showing that very few women in the country occupy leadership positions and participate equitably with their male counterparts in decision-making; this implies that the positions occupy by women in parliaments in Nigeria are lower than the benchmarks set by the Beijing platform on 30 percent affirmative action. From every indication, there is low level of women participation in politics, administration and government in Nigeria. Akudo, (2012) supports that there is marginalization of women in the country’s political representation that women are low represented in politics and decision making, yet they form half of the country’s population.
that the role women play and their position in meeting the challenges of Agricultural production and Development are quite dominant and prominent. Their relevance and significance in Agriculture, therefore, cannot be overemphasized ; . Findings from a study financed by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) revealed that women make up some 60 to 80% of Agricultural labour force in Nigeria , depending on the region and they produce two-third of the food crops. Yet, in spite of these, widespread assumption that men - and not women - make the key farm management decisions has prevailed. Sadly, female farmers in the country are among the voiceless, especially with respect to influencing Agricultural policies. The bar chart representation of the percentage variations in the gender of the sampled farmers in Fadama III Agricultural projects in Bayelsa state is presented in figure 2 below.
In conclusion, the fact that special education administration in Nigeria is making gradual progress cannot be overemphasized, but there is however, a lot of lapses that are yet to be covered. As the success and failure of special education in Nigeria lies in the hands of the administrators. The present administrators should also endeavor to treat their profession with every sense of seriousness and by this way; special education can attain maximum success.