Within each village, study households were selected from village registers using random number tables. The total sample comprised 114 respondents. Respondents were local villagers, and no distinction was made between hunters and non-hunters. This was done to encourage local residents to openly provide illegalhunting information, which can be regarded as sensitive. All interviews were conducted with the willingness of the respondents, who were assured of anonymity to increase the chances that they would provide reliable answers. The interviews were conducted at each respondent’s homestead and took approximately 20–30 minutes to complete. Data were collected from May to December 2009 through face-to-face interviews conducted in English and Shangaan. The interview questions were constructed to gather information on the general hunting practices by the community. Respondents provided information based on their general knowledge of illegalhunting practises inside the GNP and adjacent areas, regardless of whether or not they practised illegalhunting themselves. Data collected included information on gender, age, education, occupation, period of stay in the area, frequency of sighting bushmeat and/or wild animal products being sold, trends of illegalhunting, methods of hunting, most hunted species, reasons for hunting, and methods currently being used to control or minimise illegalhunting (see Appendix 1). Most of the questions were open-ended, in order to tap into the actual views of villagers in a form that was not a priori. Before final adjustments were made, the questionnaire was pre-tested in February, 2009, on a pilot sample of 18 local people in two villages from the Chitsa ward in Chiredzi district adjacent to the northern GNP. However, the general shortcomings of illegalhunting data obtained through interview surveys are acknowledged. For example, biases could arise from non-truthful disclosures by survey respondents on commonly hunted species; errors associated with recall data such as frequency of sighting bushmeat or wild animal products being sold and insufﬁcient replication of surveys . Data analysis
Most respondents perceived that some of the wild animal population species had increased in the GNP between 2000 and 2010. Frequent sighting of wild animals in the study area was the main indicator for local perceptions that wildlife populations had increased. These study results show that local perceptions are to some extent in agreement with the increasing wild animal population trends reported by scientific studies conducted in the GNP [28, 34, 35]. However, rare and endangered animals such as cheetah, African wild dog and leopard were mostly perceived as having decreased in abundance, whereas recent carnivore research suggests that these species populations are slightly increasing . Surprisingly, the majority of respondents perceived an increase in livestock depredation by large carnivores, although except for spotted hyenas, actual numbers of most large carnivores in the Gonarezhou ecosystem are low . The perceived increases in large carnivore- livestock conflicts could be a result of the temporary stoppage of legal (safari) hunting of lions by the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority in communal areas adjacent to the GNP since 2009 .
and other indicators of CAMPFIRE effectiveness accrued compared to Mtandahwe and Chibwedziva. Perceptions of human-wildlife conflict trends could also have been influenced by the distance of the village from the park boundary and other adjacent wildlife areas. Local people living close to protected areas are likely to experience more conflicts than those living further away (Mackenzie 2012). For instance, Chizvirizvi borders the GNP and a fenced boundary with Malilangwe. Only Mahenye had both villages close to the GNP boundary, whereas the other three communities had one village close to the park boundary and the other further away. Our results show that across the four study communities there was a widespread dislike of and negative attitudes towards most of the common problematic wild animals, although only a lower dislike of lion was associated with communities with a higher rating for conservation awareness and education. Chibwedziva had the overall highest dislike of the problematic wild animals, probably due to the area’s proximity to the GNP, which resulted in these species frequently moving into the community. Mtandahwe had the lowest dislike of problematic wild animals because most of residents wanted to have more animals on a sport hunting quota that is specific to the area. Mtandahwe and Mahenye have a single quota, but most animals are hunted in Mahenye and most profits go to Mahenye. Livestock depredation by large carnivores and crop raiding mostly by elephants were the main reasons why the animals were disliked. Human-wildlife conflicts in Zimbabwe are compounded by the fact that proceeds from the killing of problem animals, such as elephants, in terms of meat, and/or safari hunting are given to the entire CAMPFIRE community and not specifically the individual household affected (Madzudzo 1997). This procedure unfortunately neglects those particular groups who bear the costs of living close to wildlife. It has been suggested that residents who feel they are benefiting from wildlife have more positive attitudes towards wildlife species compared to those who do not receive any benefits (Kideghesho et al. 2007).
the rate of illegalhunting has decreased since the inception of the CAMPFIRE programmes in some areas in Zimbabwe as a result of direct benefits from wildlife resources and an increase in anti- poaching activities in the areas with CAMPFIRE programmes (Child 1996; Taylor 2009). Animal abundance data in GNP support the perception that animal populations have been increasing and/or maintaining their populations in recent years (Dunham et al. 2010; Gandiwa 2012; Gandiwa et al. 2013b; Zisadza et al. 2010). How- ever, currently the CAMPFIRE programmes in the study area are recovering from the economic decline that Zimbabwe experienced between 2000 and 2008 (Balint & Mashinya 2008). Elsewhere, in Tanzania, ‘The Grumeti Fund’ initiative is an example of a successful conservation method which also led to the eradication of subsistence poaching in communities where economic incentives were provided to local people adjacent to protected areas (Knapp et al. 2010).
Relating Visitation to Cost
As with most goods or services, an increase in price will reduce the amount demanded of that good, all else being equal. The total entrance fee revenue for the NPS is directly dependent on the number of entry fees paid, and the price of the entry fee. The NPS projects it will experience a revenue increase following their price hike. This implies a belief that demand for park visitation is inelastic. In other words, they believe that the percent increase in price is larger than the percent decrease in demand. This is largely an accepted notion and one backed up by studies that have directly estimated the effect of entrance fees (e.g. Stevens et al., 2014) or indirectly measured effects via proxies for price, such as travel or fuel cost (e.g. Poudyal et al., 2013; Stevens et al., 2014).
activities in the landscape (Chapron et al. 2014). It is based on the fact that many large carnivore populations in North America and Europe have been generally sta- ble or increasing throughout recent decades, despite high human population densities. This perspective advocates that large carnivore conservation is possible at high hu- man densities when management is favorable and sta- ble political institutions ensure proper law enforcement (Linnell et al. 2001). Sweden is a case in point; eradica- tion programs exterminated or reduced large carnivore populations to very low numbers during the 1800s and 1900s (Haglund 1965; Swenson et al. 1994; Linnell et al. 2001). Today, after decades of favorable management policies, including protection in large national parks, the populations of brown bear (Ursus arctos), Eurasian lynx (Lynx lynx), and wolverine (Gulo gulo) have recovered and are now widely distributed in multiuse landscapes, of- ten on privately owned land outside PAs (Chapron et al. 2014). In northern Sweden, the main large prey of large carnivores is semidomestic reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) (i.e., private property), which has created a conflict be- tween large carnivore conservation and the indigenous S ´ami reindeer husbandry (Swenson & Andr ´en 2005; Mattisson et al. 2011; Hobbs et al. 2012). To mitigate the economic impacts and ensure carnivore persistence, Swe- den implemented a conservation performance payment system for large carnivores, combined with intensive pop- ulation monitoring (Zabel & Holm-Muller 2008; Persson
Illegalhunting is one of the major threats to wildlife flora and fauna. In present study, we identified poaching by using the molecular techniques. Mitochondrial b) and 12S ribosomal rRNA (12S rRNA) genes identified five wild species, ), Musk deer (Moschus chrysogaster), Black ). In India, poaching and hunting is a illegal were found guilty and punished. The genetic analysis used in this investigative study was suitable to diagnose the species killed and solve these stigations. Molecular DNA forensic techniques can provide an important tool that enables local law enforcement agencies to apprehend illegal poachers
Codes are based on Schedules of the National Parks and Wildlife Act 1972 (SA) as amended in 2002. Please note this list only provides a guide to status under this Act. There may be discrepancies and omissions that result from differences in taxonomy and nomenclature. In a number of cases, new names applied in the schedules have not yet been applied to the FLORA database from which this list is derived. In some cases status designations under the NPWS ACT have been applied to 'equivalent' names that have been used in South Australia to refer to the same taxonomic entity. Where certainty is required, the schedules should be consulted directly to determine official designations under the NPWS Act.
Here, we reported an investigative study of three sus- pected offenses of wildlife poaching. In July 2010, based on suspected illegalhunting, a wildlife inspector of the Brazilian Environmental Agency (IBAMA) seized and sent us biltong samples of a mammal species (MAM1) (Figure 1). According to the inspector, the suspect claimed that the meat was pork, but there was no evi- dence to confirm this assertion (case 1). Along with MAM1, we received a second meat sample, which was removed from the wings of an unidentified bird species (BIRD; case 2) (Figure 1). In February 2011, we received a mammal meat sample (MAM2) taken by another wild- life inspector of IBAMA. The seized meat was confis- cated from the suspect’s freezer during routine surveillance activity (case 3). All three seizures were per- formed in the central-western region of Brazil, and spe- cies identifications were not possible from morphological data. Therefore, the cases could not be characterized as
The Oban Sector of Cross River NationalPark was carved out of Oban Group of Forest Reserve in 1991 and lo- cated in the Cross River State, Nigeria. It lies within Latitude 5˚15' and 05˚25'N and Longitude 8˚30'N and 08˚45'E in the south-eastern corner of Nigeria, in Cross River. It covers an area of about 3000 sq∙km of primary tropical moist rainforest ecosystem in the north and central parts and contiguous with Korup NationalPark in the Republic of Cameroon and is sub-divided into two ranges East and West. It has annual rainfall of 3000 mm in the southern parts and 2500 mm in hilly and mountainous areas from March to November with a peak in June/ July.
Termite mounds are well known to host a suite of unique plants compared to the surrounding savanna matrix. However, most studies testing the significance of mounds for ecosystem heterogeneity have been conducted at single sites. Mound effects on savanna heterogeneity across varying landscapes are less well understood, and how effects might vary across geological types is as yet unknown. In addition, the effect of mound size on savanna herbaceous vegetation has not been previously tested. We studied the effects of termite mounds on vegetation spatial heterogeneity across two geologies (granite and basalt) in Zimbabwe’s GonarezhouNationalPark, including effects of mound size and the spatial extent of termite influence. Herbaceous vegetation was sampled on mounds and in savanna matrix plots, as well as along distance transects away from mounds. Soil nutrients on mounds and in the savanna matrix were also compared between geologies. Large mounds had higher soil nutrients compared to the savanna matrix on granite, but not on basalt, with mounds therefore acting as nutrient hot-spots on nutrient-poor granite only. Large and medium sized mounds hosted compositionally different grass species to the savanna matrix on granite, but not on basalt. Large mounds on granite also had significantly lower grass and forb species richness compared to the savanna matrix. However, small mounds on granite, as well as all mound size categories on basalt, did not have an effect on grass and forb species richness or assemblage composition, an observation that is attributed to a lack of difference in soil nutrients between mounds and the savanna matrix here. Our study shows that the significance of termite mounds to ecosystem spatial heterogeneity is highly influenced by geology and mound size. Mound effects on herbaceous plant species heterogeneity are more pronounced in dystrophic geologies, but this is dependent on mound size. Future studies on the significance of termite mounds for vegetation heterogeneity should take cognisance of landscape context, such as geology, and mound size when seeking to understand the contribution of termite mounds to ecosystem structure and function.
Considering the sector’s increasing importance, many countries are spearheading efforts to intensify its exploitation and maximize benefits. This is also notable among countries having comparative advantages such as those gifted with natural tourism resources or for that matter, natural tourist attractions, including Tanzania (Ross and Wall, 1999). Unfortunately however, the sector is vulnerable to several factors that retard its growth and hamper development. One such factor is the continued degradation, destruction or depletion of the very natural resources on which this sector is built (Walpole and Goodwin, 2002). In conservationist eyes, this may be viewed as unsustainable resource use. Evidence abounds on the increasing wave of poaching that is threatening the existence of various faunal species among nature- based tourist destinations. A good example is Tanzania where reports concerning poaching incidences abound. Among the most affected wildlife species, elephants (Loxodonta Africana) and Rhinocerous (Diceros bicornis) top the list. Again, there has been a general outcry about widespread unsustainable and illegal harvesting of floral resources. This has led to outright ban on harvesting, distribution and use of certain tree species considered endangered, for instance Loliondo in Tanzania. Significantly, this trend is risking the sector’s viability. Not only that but also sustainability of the industry it promulgates because, among others, these resources constitute the very natural attractions for tourists. This has necessarily merited for measures to be taken in various ways to rectify matters.
appeared at six sites. In total more than 80 % of all registrated species were brachypterous, 30 % were stenoecious and 70 % were body size category IV and V which means that large species were in the majority. The Shannon Index was highest with 2.01 at the very well structured oaktree mixed forest MXG3, and the FAI Index showed its highest value at the oaktree hornbeam forest ES and at the beechwood forest MXG2 with 0.98 each. To show similarity between the investigated sites a hierarchic cluster analysis was performed. The dendrogram showed two big clusters consisting of smaller ones. All three sites covered with beech forests are located together in one cluster, as the oaktree forest communities are all located together in the second cluster. Only oaktree-hornbeam forest communities occur in both big clusters.
The origin of human-wildlife conflict in Kenya can be attributed to the establishment of parks and reserves as wildlife protected areas, with communities settling next to them. The establishment of protected areas was mostly realized by removing the local communities either by treaty or by force. In this way, the communities lost their land rights. In some areas like Amboseli, the government promised the pastoral communities alternative water sources and grazing fees as compensation. However, the promises were not honoured (Western 1989; Wait- haka 1994). The same scenario is observed in Nairobi NationalPark (Akama et al. 1993), Tsavo area (Mutinda and Waithaka 1995) and Masai Mara National Reserve (Omondi 1994). During the 21st century, the explosive human population growth has heightened the need to provide food for humans. This has led to agricultural expansion into ‘what is believed to be’ wildlife areas, making human-wildlife conflict issues more complex, for example, in Nairobi NationalPark (Akama et al. 1993; Tsavo area (Mutinda and Waithaka 1995) and Masai Mara National Reserve (Omondi 1994). People forced out of their land have not been properly compen- sated and there are not clear revenue-sharing policies and laws, which create problems for protected areas in Kenya to deal with revenue-sharing related issues.
There are three general categories of consumptive use of wild animals: commercial trophy hunting, illegal poaching (including subsistence hunting), and commercial farming. Nearly all illegal poaching is commercial. For purposes of this report ‘poaching’ is defined as hunting wild animals for food and entrepreneurial exploitation, including the bushmeat trade for local and urban trade, trafficking (locally and cross-border) and trade in live animals and body parts. The traditional medicines market is an important component in the illegal wildlife trade. The killers come in a variety of forms: they may be local people, they may be using snares, they maybe using guns or they may be the lowest link in a massive international mafia chain of wildlife trade that is today almost as big as the drug trade. Poachers are thus often highly organised armed gangs and hardened criminals. Methods of poaching include: shooting, snaring (using wire, cables etc.), gin traps, poisoning and the use of packs of dogs.
The paper notes that the feasibility study and management plan document of Cross River NationalPark pre- pared by WWF/ODNRI in 1989 made provisions for a buffer zone or support zone development programme (SZDP) which included rural livelihoods activities and the resettlement of enclave communities (villages located in the core area of the park). Unfortunately, the SZDP which was supposed to implement in the first seven years of the park’s existence (1991-1998) is yet to be executed. The wider literature on parks—poverty debate and its impacts on people oriented programmes in CRNP is briefly discussed. Policy options for a best way forward are highlighted with insights from South Africa’s post-apartheid negotiations and measures that have resolved prop- erty rights contestations and other allied sources of conflicts between parks and local communities.
The governmental non-profit organisations were not established for the purposes of profit generation, but they must be capable to pay its li- abilities. The importance of the ratio indicator of liquidity used in financial analysis in a municipal company (entity linked to the state budget) was mentioned for instance by Kraftová (2002). We have learned from the available foreign and domestic literary sources that, as of yet, nobody has examined the development of economically significant variables (costs of services, personnel costs, revenues from the sale of own products and financial allowances for activities) per hectare of the nationalpark using a linear trend with calcu- lations of the correlation coefficient, testing the
Coming back to Cyprus: over the next thousand years multiple travellers refer to hunting in Cyprus. Many of these refer to hunting, in particular by the Ibelin kings of French Lusignan origin, and their hunting entourages. As one visitor notes from between 1336-1341:
‘The king of Cyprus and all the bishops and prelates of his realm, the princes and nobles and barons and knights, chiefly live, and daily engage in spear-play and tourneys, and especially in hunting… they spend all on the chase. I knew a certain Count, Hughes d’Ibelin, who had more than five hundred hounds, and every two dogs have their own servant to guard and bathe and anoint them, for so must dogs be tended there. A certain nobleman has ten or eleven falconers with special pay and allowances. I knew several nobles and knights in Cyprus who could keep and feed two hundred armed men at a less cost than their huntsmen and falconers. For when they go to the chase they live sometimes for a whole month in their tents among the forests and mountains, straying from place to place, hunting with their dogs and hawks, and sleeping in their tents in the fields and woods, carrying all their food and necessaries on camels and beasts of burden.’ (von Suchen in Cobham 1908: 20) Cyprus was to the king and his elites a pleasure park in and of itself to seasonally roam with his extensive ‘tribe’ of people, albeit one coercively under his rule year-round. Throughout the Franco-Anglo world at the time, this approach to hunting was common and continued until relatively recently with one major aspect unmentioned. This was the specific demarcation of many forests and places as only for hunting and not accessible to plebeians, in particularly the animals not being accessible. The most famous example in the English language being the mythological story of Sherwood forest and its deer.
Hunting tourism is still generally a little known business sector and is therefore also an insufficiently utilized resource for rural and regional development. Especially in the Northern areas, which are rich with different kind of game populations due to large wilderness areas and variety of natural habitats, hunting tourism could provide a realistic source of livelihood basing on the special strengths of the remote rural areas. In general the income originating from nature tourism remains typically well in ru- ral regions and the sector is labour intensive, which characteristics make it interesting for rural devel- opment. Hunting tourism especially is strongly based on the local expertise on the game and nature habitants. Also lot of rural tourism companies in the area are seeking for more off-season activities, which could continue the season of the companies (typically summer) and provide more economically sustainable prerequisites for the rural entrepreneurship. However, hunting tourism is politically and socially very delegate nature tourism sector raising a lot of different kind of attitudes, even sometimes conflicts between several interest groups. In order to develop the sector in sustainable way, it is es- sential to understand the current situation and problematic related to hunting and hunting tourism from ecological, social and economical point of view. There is need for feasible solutions to the prob- lematic: how hunting tourism could be developed and it’s business potential utilised so, that it would not jeopardise the ecological or social sustainability and yet be economically viable.