Our knowledge and understanding of regionaldifferences in attainment is primarily focussed on primary and secondary schools. Overall, differences in attainment at primary and secondary school follow a geographic gradient, with the performance of regions improving as one moves from the North to the South of England (Perera 2016) Children and young people attending schools in London are more likely to outperform their counterparts living elsewhere in England (Greaves et al. 2014). This is especially so for those individuals who are from relatively disadvantaged backgrounds (Blanden et al. 2015; Burgess 2014). The existence of these geographic disparities in attainment suggests that the education system not as efficient or equitable as it should be. The investigation of the regional gap in the pre-primary age group up to age 5 is of special interest due to the long-lasting consequences of early year’s development: children who start school ready to learn have better life chances. Those who fall behind by the age of five have lower average educational attainment in the future (Field 2010) with lower attainment throughout primary school predicting lower achievement at GCSE level (Goodman & Gregg 2010) . However, there is currently very little information on the ages at which geographic gaps in attainment begin to open up, and it is unclear how far these differences might be in driving the well observed and larger gaps between regions at older ages. It is important to understand why some regions fare better than others in terms of attainment, with a view towards learning from positive examples in order to improve outcomes for all.
The earlyyears foundation stage profile (EYFSP) collection in 2014 required LAs to load the data into the DfE bespoke data collection system; COLLECT by Friday 29 August 2014. Data received by this date has been taken as final and used to inform statistical first releases. No amendments will be accepted after the database is closed and all figures in SFRs are considered final. The department is committed to providing LA and national level analysis of performance as quickly as possible and headline attainment statistics were published on 16 th
The good level of development (GLD) measure is the most widely used single measure of child development in the earlyyears. Children have been defined as having reached a GLD at the end of the EYFS if they achieved at least the expected level in the early learning goals in the prime areas of learning (personal, social and emotional development; physical development; and communication and language) and in the specific areas of mathematics and literacy.
women. In the rural sample, women who had received education beyond fourth grade had the lowest fertility. Women with 0-4 years of schooling had above average fertility. For the urban sample, the wider range of educational attainment could be investigated, women with ten or more years of education had fewest children and women with either no schooling or with only 1-3 years schooling had the most (Knodel and Prachuabmoh, 1973a). Fertility difference by husband's education showed a similar association to that illustrated by wife's education (Chamrathrithirong and Boonpratuang, 1977).
The gap in attainment gets bigger as they move through the education system, and the evidence shows that the best time to address this is in the earlyyears. The EarlyYears Pupil Deprivation Grant (EYPDG) provides a new opportunity for schools and settings to address these inequalities.
The Spryfield area includes the communities along Herring Cove Road and nearby streets, and displays the characteristics of an economically disadvantaged community in Canada. There are more than 4,000 residents in the Spryfield area, with a high proportion of single-parent families, children, and youth. Spryfield is a resource-rich community with many active and engaged residents. However, the community wrestles with socio-economic issues related to poverty, high unemployment, and low education attainment in some areas. Other youth issues include lack of access to transportation, lack of after-school programming, and higher-than-average high school dropout rates. In May 2010, Pathways Spryfield launched in partnership with local community group Chebucto Connections. In the program’s academic first year, 90 students participated. Chebucto Connections sought out this partnership after hearing from students and families that greater success in education was desired in the community. Pathways Spryfield also partners with parents, youth, and many community organizations including the United Way, Spryfield and District Business Commission, and the Halifax Regional School Board.
Tentative empirical evidence suggests that the agglomeration of talent contributes to regional development. However, given that talented people are not evenly distributed across regions, this paper seeks to determine how the concentration of talent affects patterns of regional development. Here, we empirically evaluate the effects of the distribution of talent on regionaldifferences by means of a detailed analysis of the 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain between 1996 and 2004. We hypothesise that regions specialising in strategic sectors that are creative and which can be assumed to enjoy rapid growth in productivity will experience faster rates of development and, in turn, that this concentration of talent will have a positive impact on the region’s economic performance. Thus, we believe that this mechanism can explain the marked regional imbalances in Spain. Our findings confirm that regionaldifferences, measured in terms of GDP per capita and by, - industrial and service- oriented production, are influenced by the Communities’ talent bases as determined by, educational attainment and employment in assumed to be strategic for regional development, inasmuch as these sectors provide economic specialization.
There has been a substantial increase in the educational attainment of populations throughout the advanced industrial societies in recent decades. This has coincided with dramatic growth in the demand for highly educated workers. However, there is concern that the demand for highly educated labour has not kept pace with supply, giving rise to the problem of over-education. Workers are considered overeducated if their qualifications exceed those required for the job (Groot and van den Brink, 2000; McGuinness, 2006). This paper adds to the existing literature by providing an assessment of the potential drivers of overeducation across regions and countries. Unlike limited existing studies that use individual level data to explain cross-country variations in overeducation, we adopt a more aggregate approach that allows us to exploit international and within country regional variations to achieve a more refined assessment of spatial variations in overeducation rates. The analysis also uses an alternative to the standard wage equation framework for assessing theoretical explanations of overeducation and the role of labour market institutions.
Tackling the gap between regions and localities in the UK by improving the productivity performance of the weakest areas is a central element of current government policy (Treasury, 2001). Recent figures show that disparities in economic performance across the regions have widened over the last decade. In 1999, household income per head in Greater London was 122% of the UK average, while in the North East region, it was just 82% of the national average (ONS, 2001). A decade earlier, the corresponding figures were 120% and 86% respectively. Regionaldifferences in average earnings are even greater. Average earnings for full-time male workers in Greater London were 133% of the national average in 1999, as compared with 87% of the national average in the North East region. Empirical studies of the determinants of earnings suggest that disparities in average earnings across the UK regions are attributable largely to differences in the stock of human capital, in particular in the levels of education of the workforce (Blackaby and Manning, 1990, Blackaby and Murphy, 1995, Duranton and Monastriotis, 2001). Duranton and Monastriotis (2001) report evidence of regional convergence over the last two decades in the returns to human capital, but the regional distribution of the stock of human capital has become more dispersed, with levels of average educational attainment in Greater London and the South-East increasing relative to elsewhere. This paper focuses on one source of these changes in the distribution of human capital across the UK, namely regionaldifferences in investment in further education and training by young people following compulsory schooling. 1
However, the effect remains significant at GCSE, A level and possibly during higher education. Indeed, recent evidence found that autumn-born children were 25% more likely to gain a place at Oxford or Cambridge than those born in the summer. 82 The evidence also suggests that a disproportionately high percentage of relatively young children in the school year are referred for special educational needs, and many of them appear to be misdiagnosed. A suggested reason for this is that teachers may have unrealistic expectations of younger pupils, and, as such, may not make sufficient allowances for their level of attainment. 83
Other researchers attempted to explain this association using samples from large national databases. Paulson et al sampled U.S. children from a longitudinal cohort and found no significant differences in cognitive functioning across numerous time points (9 months, 2, 3.5 and 5.5 years; Wilks λ=0.6, p=0.615). The reference group was children whose birth weight was appropriate for gestational age (AGA), defined as 5-89 th percentile, which could potentially include a high-risk sub-set of children as AGA is more frequently defined as between the 10-90 th percentile. However, a second analysis was performed with AGA defined as 5-94 th percentile and this demonstrated no change in their findings. That being said, the excluded cases in their analyses tended to have lower maternal education and socioeconomic status (SES), which are known to influence cognitive development. 8 Finally, in a large population cohort from Western Australia, LGA infants were more likely to have only intellectual disabilities associated with autism (aOR: 2.36 [0.93, 6.03]), although the confidence interval was quite wide, and did not reach
beliefs in the primary years, that have seldom been studied in work on the causes and consequences of poverty. We aim to explore which attitudes and beliefs are important in influencing attainment at age 11 and patterns of educational development between the ages of 7 and 11, and the relative strength of these influences. Parental and child attitudes and beliefs are likely to be correlated with a range of other family background factors and hence it is difficult to disentangle the independent influence of the mechanisms of interest. We seek to minimise this problem in three ways. First, we adopt a distal/proximal modelling approach in which a range of family demographic measures ‘compete’ with our posited transmission mechanisms, to explain educational patterning by socio-economic background. Measures such as parental education, age and number of siblings are included to ‘mop up’ any correlated but unobserved influences on educational attainment. School characteristics are also included as proxies in this way. Second, we explore the extent to which attitudes and behaviours are associated with educational development over the four years prior to the start of secondary schooling, by including measures of attainment at age 7. The inclusion of prior attainment, focuses the estimates on development during the specified window, and gives an insight into how much of the influence of attitudes and behaviours are already crystallized in attainment at the start of junior school. A final approach is to include earlier measures of parenting and the home learning environment which influence attainment at age 5 (see Dearden et al in this Issue), and again help to isolate the role of transmission mechanisms during the primary school years. If early (pre-school) environments are the major determinants of educational trajectories, then omitting them from our analysis may falsely overstate the role of the attitudes and behaviours in middle childhood that are our focus. Despite these strategies, the danger that our estimates pick up the correlation of the
Th erefore, this research has a multidisciplinary character, as it can be useful both to scholars from several fundamental and applied scientifi c fi elds, and applied in practice on the general population. Considering the lack of research in the area of Kosovo regarding body height, the authors of this study have conducted analy- ses on a sample that could represent the population of Kosovo on the representative level, analysing regional geographical diff erences, and determining the average values of body height according to the administrative region. Consequently, the basic aim of this study was to provide detailed analyses of regional geographical diff erences regarding the adult body height of both sexes and to obtain clear conclusions regarding the ques- tion of whether the population living in the Dinaric Alps is signifi cantly taller than the population from the other mountain ranges or low-lying areas. It also aimed to provide the public with a rich database on the body height of males and females from all regions of Kosovo.
posure to maternal sex hormones among ﬁrstborn children explains the association of parity with earlier breast and pubic hair development. In our study, higher maternal prepreg- nancy weight BMI seemed to inﬂuence puberty outcomes differently. The mag- nitude of the differences in age of entry into breast stages was approximately twice the size of that for menarche and was not associated with pubic hair tim- ing. Daughters of obese or overweight mothers were more likely to be so them- selves, and higher body fat was previ- ously associated with breast develop- ment onset. 27,28 Overestimation of breast
engagement by policy makers and policy advisers, such as the establishment of The Qualifications and Curriculum Authority Creativity Project (QCA 2005a; 2005b), also the publishing of Excellence and Enjoyment for primary schools in May 2003 (DfES 2003), exhorting primary schools to take creative and innovative approaches to the curriculum and to place creativity high on their agendas, followed by materials to encourage this (DfES 2004b). In late 2005 and early 2006, a further government review of creativity and the economy was undertaken (Roberts 2006).
The results show that children perceive that there are differences, with regards to when to use the mother-tongue and when to use the majority language in institutional settings. The mother-tongue could be used in various contexts, but not in preschool. The children did state that they used the mother-tongue in preschool, although this only occurred in the absence of teachers and with the awareness that it might be unsuitable and associated with feelings of shyness. The official language, Swedish, is also the dominating majority language in preschool and used in the communication with others. Unlike the mother-tongue, there were no specific areas where one could not speak Swedish, and this indicates that children do use it more or less in all contexts they participate in.
The Nurtured Outcome Group earlyyears and childcare training programme has been compiled to address the training needs of the earlyyears, pre-school and childcare workforce as identified in the annual Training Needs Analysis and taking account of the national and local drive to continually improve services for children. The aim of this programme is to create training opportunities for staff working at all levels in earlyyears, pre-school and childcare settings. The aims of the sessions are to enable staff to reflect on their practice, gain new knowledge and skills, put these into practice and then identify areas for further learning and improvement. The course outcomes take account of national and local priorities as well as National Daycare Standards, the curriculum frameworks of Pre-Birth to Three, The Child at the Centre, and Curriculum for Excellence. The principles, values and guidance set out in ‘Getting It Right For Every Child’ that children should be: safe, healthy, achieving, nurtured, active, respected, responsible and included will also be the expected benchmark for all services provided to children in the city. The main components to the training programme are:
Foundation Stage (EYFS) Framework which came into force in September 2008 brings together key documentation focused on ensuring every child has a quality experience in their early learning and care setting while raising the profile of this phase to improve outcomes for children and families. This first phase of development concluded with the Childcare Act 2006, which placed a duty on LAs and their partners to improve outcomes for children from birth to five and to reduce inequalities between them. The EarlyYears Outcomes Duty (EYOD) came into force on 1 April 2008. It provides legislative underpinning for the continued provision of earlyyears services and activities such as children’s centres.