This problem with numbers is particularly acute when we consider the returns to L1 Maths and/or English amongst the population of FL2 achievers across different sector subject areas. Even for those sectors where we observe more than 20,000 learners, very few of our findings are significant beyond the first year, because numbers drop off dramatically (as we observe fewer learners in earlier cohorts). Whilst we do not present these findings (they are available on request), it is worth noting that amongst those achieving a FL2 Customer Service qualification, L1 Maths and/or English achievers secure an estimated 5.7% and 10.4% earnings return over non-achievers, in the first and second tax years after learning, respectively. Similarly, when we consider FL2 achievers in the areas of (i) Adult Social Care and (ii) Retailing & Wholesaling, those achieving a L1 English and/or Maths qualification are observed securing statistically significant (i) 4.3% and (ii) 4.2% earnings premiums in the first tax year after learning. Unfortunately, we then do not have large enough samples to uncover returns in subsequent years (and it is worth noting that these results are only significant at the 5% level).
‘classroom learning’, in particular maths and English. However, our tutors are not trained teachers and in order to deliver GCSEs will need to further develop their teaching skills and knowledge of the curricula.’ (Independent Training Provider) Approximately one in five online respondents identify a CPD need for tutors to acquire the specific skills needed for motivating and engaging reluctant or disadvantaged learners. This is particularly pertinent for practitioners in the 16-19 sector whose learners may feel demotivated due to recently failing the qualification at school. As discussed in the previous section, these tutors will need to employ creative and interactive teaching methods and approaches to engage these learners and emphasise the difference between their provision and school. Providers from the post-19 sector also highlight the need for tutors to be trained in different teaching methods and strategies to engage adult learners, who appreciate a more collaborative approach to teaching and learning 24 . This may help providers to
Related to this, in both organisations, there was a strong organisational expectation that the trainee teacher make a rapid transition to a full employee status. Illustrating this, one trainee at Urban College said: “you are a teacher and you’re doing the job of a teacher and you’re paid as a teacher”. For the majority, the only space where they were regarded as trainees was in the weekly Cert. Ed./PGCE class. This rapid transition left little time to reflect on their development and, for some, training became perfunctory. One trainee at Dale College who had only tolerated the weekly sessions “by thinking that it’s all going to be over in two hours and I’ve only got two months to go now.” There was sparse evidence of any reification of the workplace curriculum in either college. The exception to this was “paperwork”; for some of the trainees learning to cope with bureaucracy such as student attendance registers, mark sheets and progress returns appeared to take precedence over pedagogy. There is also strong evidence from this study that trainees have highly restricted access to communities of practice beyond their own immediate environment; there was very little “boundary crossing” (Fuller & Unwin 2004: 130) between different curriculum areas or different parts of the college. Even within the trainees’ own immediate group of colleagues, the high staff turnover, the extensive use of part-time and temporary teachers, alongside heavy workloads resulted in a restricted culture of support and development. Moreover, there was little evidence of experienced colleagues engaging purposely with trainees or actively helping to develop their practice. One trainee described being made to feel ‘awkward’ and another ‘stupid’ when they attempted to engage with other members of the teaching staff.
The possible proliferation of results is quite substantial – we have 12 possible starting points for Figure 3, as each of our 6 qualification categories has a treatment and control group. Whilst this example is for a treatment group of achievers (Full Level 2), it would seem reasonable to perform the analysis for non-achievers, as we may expect the premium for SfL achievers to be even higher if no other qualification has been obtained. Table 37 presents the estimated daily Skills for Life earnings premium for those who have aimed and achieved a Full Level 2 qualification (following the example of Figure 3). For instance, in the first row of Table 37 we have an estimated premium of 9.3% for achievers over non-achievers in SfL Level 2 literacy one year after learning. The suggestion is that, amongst all those who achieve a highest qualification aim of Full Level 2 there remains a 9.3% premium for those who also achieve a SfL Level 2 literacy qualification, relative to those who have an aim of a SfL Level 2 literacy, but do not achieve it. This estimated premium remains relatively stable over the four year period, ending on a value of 8.6%. Amongst those who achieve a highest aim of Full Level 2 qualification, the returns to a SfL Level 2 numeracy, SfL Level 1 literacy and SfL Level 1 numeracy are also positive,
There was sparse evidence of any reification of the workplace curriculum in either college. The exception to this was “paperwork”; for some of the trainees learning to cope with bureaucracy such as student attendance and progress returns appeared to take precedence over pedagogy. Related to this was a strong organisational expectation that the trainee teacher rapidly made the transition to a full role. As one trainee at Urban College said: “you are a teacher and you’re doing the job of a teacher and you’re paid as a teacher”. For the majority, the only space where they were considered trainees was in the weekly training class. This rapid transition left little time to reflect on their development. For some, training became perfunctory, as expressed by one trainee at Dale College who had only tolerated the weekly sessions “by thinking that it’s all going to be over in two hours and I’ve only got two months to go now.” There is also strong evidence from this study that trainees have highly restricted access to communities of practice beyond their own; there was very little “boundary crossing” (Fuller & Unwin 2004: 130) between different curriculum areas or parts of the college. Even within the trainees’ own community of practice the high staff turnover, the extensive use of part- time and temporary teachers, alongside heavy workloads resulted in a restricted culture of support and development.
information being presented to a board but being discussed minimally, or having little connection with general board discussion (eg. Hough et al. 2015, Johanson, 2008; Collier, 2005). Secondly, board members’ visibility of an organisation does not come entirely from the presentation of formal management accounting reports (Brennan et al. 2016; Parker and Hoque 2015). Visibility develops though a variety of board level learning processes, including informal discussion inside (Parker, 2008) and outside (Brennan et al., 2016) the board meeting. Finally, management accounting research has argued that it is only when understandings of management accounting numbers and calculations are intertwined with operational understandings that management accounting information can make aspects of the organisation visible in a meaningful manner (Abrahamsson et al., 2016; Laine et al., 2016). This final theoretical
and so a dialect survey using the PTR name data cannot cover all parts of the country. As palatinates, Cheshire and Durham had “the right of exclusive civil and criminal jurisdiction within that territory” (OED online: palatine, adj.1 — I. 1.), and so they were often not obliged to levy certain taxes; it is for this reason that there are no early fourteenth-century lay subsidy rolls for these counties. It seems that Cheshire and Durham were requested to levy a poll tax in 1379, but “a writ of supersedeas cancelled the order to Chester” before “the palatinate’s immunity from parliamentary taxation was confirmed by the crown in 1381” (Fenwick 1981: xxi). Such a writ does not appear to have been issued for Dur- ham, though it seems reasonable to assume that the county’s palatine status may have been at least part of the reason for the absence of PTRs. No similar expla- nation can be given for Hertfordshire, Huntingdonshire and the City of London, and so the assumption must be that the once existing records have simply been lost. Some of these might be included in Fenwick’s (2005: 580-599) section of “unidentified” documents, which have been damaged so that their place of ori- gin is unknown, but this cannot be certain.
This Statistical First Release (SFR) summarises data on learner numbers in post-16 education and training at providers receiving funding from the Welsh Government (Economy, Skills and Natural Resources Group) for the academic year 2014/15. However, the figures are not restricted to fundable learners at those providers. The release contains information on the post-16 sector excluding HE institutions, HEI- based Welsh for Adults centres and school sixth forms but including FurtherEducation institutions, Work-based Learning providers and Local Authority Community Learning providers. Further
The final element of the research relating to learners involved some preliminary analysis of the ILR. This involved making some comparisons in terms of overall numbers of learners and their demographics between those who had enrolled between August and January for the academic year 2013/14 (after 24+ Advanced Learning Loans were introduced) and learners who enrolled on courses now eligible for loans over the same period in the academic year 2012/13 (prior to the introduction of loans).
As previously discussed, the issue of mathematics teaching to non-maths students in Higher Education can be complicated. In order to understand the issue to its fullest extent, it is essential to break down the complexities of the issue into various subproblems and consider them critically. This paper, as well as the series it belongs to, seeks to consider in depth the various subproblems that exist within the issue of teaching mathematics to non-maths students at university. By analysing these subproblems in greater depth, it improves the possibility of deciding upon and implementing solutions. Only by providing solutions to these sub-problems can the overarching issue of maths in higher education be tackled. From our own perspective, analyzing problems in depth allows us to pre-empt any problems and integrate solutions into our digital platform.
This Statistical First Release (SFR) summarises data on learner numbers in post-16 education and training at providers receiving funding from DfES (Department for Education and Skills) for the academic year 2013/14. However, the figures are not restricted to fundable learners at those providers. The release contains information on the post-16 sector excluding HE institutions, HEI-based Welsh for Adults centres and school sixth forms but including FurtherEducation institutions, Work-based Learning providers and Local Authority Community Learning providers. Further information on this series, the first release of which was SDR 38/2005, and earlier sources is given in the ‘Data for previous years’ section.
The figures in previous editions of this release (from 2006/07 onwards) excluded FE learners at Merthyr Tydfil College which merged into the University of Glamorgan in April 2006 (now the University of South Wales). Between 2006/07 and 2011/12, these learners were included within the University of South Wales data collected by HESA (the Higher Education Statistics Agency) and appeared in, for example, the Welsh Government’s Bulletin ‘Students in Higher Education Institutions, 2012/13’ (prior to the current edition). Learners with the Merthyr Tydfil College work-based learning subsidiary (part of a Skills Academy Wales consortium) were however included in all years of this Statistical First Release as the WBL data were not (and are not) collected by HESA. From 2012/13 onwards, the college has ceased to submit data to HESA but continues to do so to the LLWR. Merthyr Tydfil College’s FE data are now re- included in this release both for the more recent figures and also retrospectively in year on year
change” and they cite Bathmaker (2001) who has described how FE practitioners are discussed as both “devils” whose poor practice needs to be closely controlled and as “dupes” who have carelessly submitted to a new managerialist regime. Robson (1998) is amongst those to have discussed what has been termed the “dual professionalism” of FE teachers: that most teachers have entered FE having been established professionals in previous careers, as was the case of two of the participants in this study, and many maintain and prioritise that professional allegiance. This is because, as Robson et al (2004: 187) argue, their previous experience gives them the credibility required for their new teaching role. Furthermore, Gleeson et al (2005, p449) recognise that becoming an FE teacher “is, for many, less a career choice or pathway than an opportunity at a particular moment in time”. Their continuing identity with their former profession may prevent some from considering themselves as professional teachers. The notion of dual professionalism may tacitly reveal a significant aspect of the tradition of FE. English FE colleges like the one in this study very often find their origins in the mechanics institutes and technical colleges of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries where skilled craftsmen or artisans would pass on their knowledge (Simmons 2008: 367; Orr & Simmons 2009: 5). This emphasis on subject knowledge over pedagogy was carried into the post-Second World War FE sector (Bailey 2007) and the priorities associated with it are suggested by FE teachers not requiring any teaching qualification until 2001, in sharp contrast to English school-teachers. As a consequence, a distinctive culture of professionalism relating to teaching in FE did not emerge. Summing up the position of FE teachers Colley et al (2007, p186) accurately note how their professionalism:
Part of this ‘gear change’ or ‘necessary more’ is the annual thirty hours of CPD. I certainly do not seek to undermine meaningful CPD, but like democracy and the pursuit of happiness, professional development is universally celebrated as something good, with little analysis of what it entails. Trorey makes the distinction between “institutional development” aimed at improving a whole organisation, often described as “staff development” and the more individual “professional development” involving “pedagogic knowledge and subject expertise” (2002: 2; her emphasis). Though there may be overlap between the two sets of activities implied by these terms, there is a clear difference in their primary instigation: staff development from the organisation; CPD, by definition, is primarily under the control of the professional.
This influence from schooling strongly echoes the findings of Bathmaker and Avis (2007) and once again these pre-existing constructions of teaching practice must derive from the previous biography of trainees through wide cultural influences. This influence of prior experience is also discernible in conceptions of being an FE teacher. Though notions of teaching mostly relate to school teaching, FE has its own preconceptions. Other writers (see for example Wallace 2002 and Bathmaker and Avis 2005) have mentioned the misconception among trainee FE teachers, including several in this study, that their students would all have chosen to be there in contrast to those at school. These perceptions are not without foundation; even young students are generally treated differently at college than they might be at school. Teachers in FE colleges are usually called by their first name and students in FE have more freedom than at school, for instance. FE’s difference to school, however insignificant or exaggerated, is what distinguishes the sector in popular perception and some respondents, serving and trainee teachers alike, are people who had appreciated that difference in their own educational experience and sought it out as teachers in FE. For many of the respondents belonging to the wide community of teachers, in FE or elsewhere, was more influential on their developing professional identity and professional practice than what they learned from the particularities of participation in their narrower workplace community. Wider culture appeared to have influenced the trainee teachers’ learning more than the particularities of the setting where they were placed.
repayments. Across the provider webpages it seemed that the strongest key message that is being relayed to students is the threshold at which repayments begin to be made. As discussed, providers during the site visits suggested that a key way to hook potentially interested learners is to remind them that repayments do not start until they are earning £21,000 per year – accordingly, this message features prominently on a number of sites. A number of providers who took part in the qualitative interviews do not appear to have any information relating to 24+ Advanced Learning Loans on their websites (or it is difficult to find said information on their webpages). This seemed to be the case largely for local education authority providers and could be related to the fact that their websites have to house information on a wide range of issues and services in comparison to general FE colleges who have far fewer functions and are able to dedicate more space to specific issues. Only a few private providers gave little or no exposure to 24+ Advanced Learning Loans on their webpages.
Several stakeholder organisations believe that providers are generally clear about the purpose and requirements of PTLLS and DTLLS, but that CTLLS is largely “unknown”. This is put down to the challenge within adult and community learning of delineating between Full Teacher and Associate Teacher roles – given the wide variety of work undertaken, often by small teams. The same respondent commented that it would be particularly useful to identify from the IfL which parts of adult and community learning the ATLS achievers have come from.
harnesses it to business and commerce back to James Callahan’s Great Debate speech of 1976 (Smith and O’Leary 2013: 245). Instrumentalism is clearly visible in New Labour’s Third Way policy agenda (Petras 2000) and its discursive attempt to connect market capitalism with social justice. This emphasis is captured succinctly in the phrase ‘the Skills Revolution’ (Pring 2005: 218) and is exemplified in policy documents like The Learning Age document which proclaims: ‘Learning will be the key to a strong economy and an inclusive society’ (DfEE 1998: 3). Four years later, another key government policy document, Success for All, offers another example of a similar syncretism, stating how the government’s goals should be ‘social inclusion and economic prosperity’ (DfES 2002: 9). ‘Skills’ appears to be a term whose meaning is strongly influenced by conceptions of social class and for that reason is important in any discussion about furthereducation. When connected to educational discourse, use of the term skills operationalises education as a conveyor belt for the
more than three qualifications), and so the estimated returns to the qualifications that we do observe will be conflated with the returns to the qualifications that we do not observe. Obviously, this will be more a problem for individuals who have reached the higher qualifications levels and who are therefore more likely to have acquired more than three qualifications. Looking at the results in Table 2, we can see that this is the case, with the estimated returns to higher degrees being a particular problem. The most likely route towards acquiring a higher degree will be the academic route of GCSEs, A levels, first degree and higher degree, in which case the GCSE qualifications would not be recorded amongst virtually all such respondents prior to 1996, and so the estimated returns to a higher degree would be biased upwards by including the returns to GCSEs as well. This is exactly what we observe in Table 2, with the estimated returns from a higher degree falling by about 15 percentage points between 1995 and 1996. For many of the lower level qualifications, however, such a bias will not be involved, because most respondents with those qualifications will not have three or more other qualifications at a lower level. In addition, there is little evidence of a reverse bias on the returns to these qualifications. The previous section described how, prior to 1996, we only observe low level qualifications being held by individuals with no higher qualifications (otherwise the low qualifications would not feature amongst their three highest qualifications), while from 1996 onwards we observe all individuals holding low level qualifications. Thus, prior to 1996, the estimated coefficients on these low level qualifications may have been downwardly biased. As stated, however, there is no evidence for the estimated returns to low level qualifications being consistently lower pre-1996 compared to post-1996, and so there is no evidence of this bias. It would therefore appear that the returns to these low level qualifications do not depend on further qualifications obtained. For the lower level qualifications, we can therefore consider the whole period from 1993 to 2001 as a continuous time series, with any negative ability bias that does exist being no stronger prior to 1996 (when the low qualification holders observed are more likely to be those without higher level qualifications) than post 1996 (when we observe all low level qualification holders).
The number of trainees in learning on 31 July 2012, the last day of the academic year 2011/12, was 2.8 per cent higher than at 31 July 2011. There is often a seasonal reduction in the in-learning count (notably for Pathways to Apprenticeships) between March and July – see Annual Volume (Tables T2.1 and T2.2; referenced at the end of this release) and day of week effects contribute some variability to the year on year change of such snapshot figures. 31 July 2011 was immediately followed by the new academic year 2011/12 which introduced a change in the structure of Welsh Government support to WBL providers, with funding being directed through a smaller number of contracted providers, including some consortia and lead providers.