Top PDF Review of policies and interventions for low-income families with young children : October 2014

Review of policies and interventions for low-income families with young children : October 2014

Review of policies and interventions for low-income families with young children : October 2014

Review of policies and interventions for low-income families with young children 82 responsible for delivering the programme with funding from public health grant. An evaluation of the implementation of NCMP (Statham et al, 2011) has found that there is generally strong support for the programme’s principal aim of monitoring childhood obesity levels, and local areas have worked hard to overcome initial problems with measuring and to achieve good coverage. However, funding and capacity have in many areas been a challenge and continue to be so. As a result, local areas differ in terms of whether they are providing routine feedback to parents of their child’s results and proactive follow-up. With the introduction of routine feedback, the NCMP has evolved to take on some characteristics of a screening programme, although the DH does not present it as such. The evaluation found that views about this change to the programme are divided. On the one hand, routine feedback and follow-up are seen by some as key parts of the programme, whilst on the other the NCMP is acknowledged as working well as a monitoring tool, but less well for screening purposes. The evaluation noted that it is difficult to know how the transition of public health to local authorities will affect the NCMP, but in the current financial climate, with many areas struggling to resource the NCMP, it is likely that the future will be challenging.
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Review of policies and interventions for low-income families with young children. Summary report : October 2014

Review of policies and interventions for low-income families with young children. Summary report : October 2014

The local documents we reviewed all mention specific interventions to support low income families with young children. Major national programmes (e.g. children’s centres, health visiting, Family Nurse Partnership (FNP), Troubled Families) were seen by virtually all these local authorities as playing a part in their strategy to tackle and alleviate child poverty and support low income families. Many of the local programmes we reviewed were also mentioned in wider local plans and strategies, including those with a good evidence base. There were also some that did not seem to have been evaluated or with inconclusive evaluation results. A list of these programmes is available in the full review report (La Valle et al, 2014). This summary focuses on the priorities identified locally to support low income families with young children.
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Review of policies and interventions for low income families with young children

Review of policies and interventions for low income families with young children

Review of policies and interventions for low-income families with young children 82 responsible for delivering the programme with funding from public health grant. An evaluation of the implementation of NCMP (Statham et al, 2011) has found that there is generally strong support for the programme’s principal aim of monitoring childhood obesity levels, and local areas have worked hard to overcome initial problems with measuring and to achieve good coverage. However, funding and capacity have in many areas been a challenge and continue to be so. As a result, local areas differ in terms of whether they are providing routine feedback to parents of their child’s results and proactive follow-up. With the introduction of routine feedback, the NCMP has evolved to take on some characteristics of a screening programme, although the DH does not present it as such. The evaluation found that views about this change to the programme are divided. On the one hand, routine feedback and follow-up are seen by some as key parts of the programme, whilst on the other the NCMP is acknowledged as working well as a monitoring tool, but less well for screening purposes. The evaluation noted that it is difficult to know how the transition of public health to local authorities will affect the NCMP, but in the current financial climate, with many areas struggling to resource the NCMP, it is likely that the future will be challenging.
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Review of policies and interventions for low income families with young children

Review of policies and interventions for low income families with young children

Research exploring trends in take-up (Gambaro et al, 2014) has observed that since free education for three and four year olds has been introduced, take-up of early education among the most disadvantaged children has increased substantially, with most taking up a place in the highest-quality settings, that is, nursery classes and nursery schools. However, the small proportion of three and four year olds who do not attend an early education setting are overwhelmingly from a disadvantaged background.

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For One in Four Very Young, Low-Income Children, Parents Are Young Too, Jessica A. Carson

For One in Four Very Young, Low-Income Children, Parents Are Young Too, Jessica A. Carson

3. Uptake rates among eligible families are estimated at between 7 and 34 percent, depending on the study. See Nicole Forry, Paula Daneri, and Grace Howarth, “Child Care Subsidy Literature Review,” OPRE Brief 2013-60 (Washington DC: Office of Planning, Research, and Evaluation, Administration for Children and Families, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2013) https:// www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/ opre/subsidy_literature_review.pdf. 4. Julia B. Isaacs, Erica Greenberg, and Teresa Derrick-Mills, “Subsidy Policies and the Quality of Child Care Centers Serving Subsidized Children” (Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2018), https://www.urban.org/sites/ default/files/publication/96361/ subsidy_policies_and_the_quality_ of_child_care_centers_serving_ subsidized_children_2.pdf.
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2014 Data Indicate That Four in Ten Children Live in Low-Income Families

2014 Data Indicate That Four in Ten Children Live in Low-Income Families

5. See, for example, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Greg J. Duncan, “The Effects of Poverty on Children,” The Future of Children 7, no. 2 (1997): 55–71; J.D. McLeod and M.J. Shanahan, “Poverty, Parenting, and Children’s Mental Health,” American Sociological Review 58 (1993): 351–66; Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, T. Leventhal, and Greg J. Duncan, “Why Poverty Matters for Young Children: Implications for Policy,” in J.D. Osofsky and H.E. Fitzgerald, eds., WAIMH Handbook of Infant Mental Health: Vol. 3. Parenting and Child Care (New York, NY: Wiley, 1999); J.R. Smith, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, and P.K. Klebenov, “The Consequences of Living in Poverty for Young Children’s Cognitive and Verbal Ability and Early School Achievement,” in G.J. Duncan and J. Brooks-Gunn, eds., Consequences of Growing Up Poor (New York, NY: Russell Sage, 1997); and R. Gabriela Barajas, Nina Philipsen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, “Cognitive and Emotional Outcomes for Children in Poverty,” in D.R. Crane and T.B. Heaton, eds., Handbook of Families & Poverty (New York, NY: SAGE Publications, 2007).
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Housing policies and their relationship to residential moves for families with young children

Housing policies and their relationship to residential moves for families with young children

In respect of social renters, Clarke et al. (2014) found that only 4.5% of social tenants affected by the bedroom tax had downsized in the first six months of the policy, while Wilcox (2014) gave this figure at 6%. In part, this was because in many places there were insufficient smaller social rented properties to move to. A time lag can also be expected. Surveys of local authorities, landlords and tenants in 2014 found evidence of increasing arrears of a level likely to lead to eviction as well as reluctance on the part of private landlords to accept benefit clients (Grant Thornton, 2014). The number of repossessions of homes by landlords – a clear case of involuntary moves – has risen rapidly since the Housing Benefit reforms (and other welfare reductions) were introduced, with two thirds of repossession claims being made by social landlords. However, as Kemp, Cole, Beatty and Foden (2014, p.29) reported, for many people “moving home was a last resort”, to be considered only when other options were exhausted. It appears to have been much harder than the government anticipated to ‘get people moving’ through withdrawing housing subsidy, because of the multiple attachments and preferences that people have for their homes and neighbourhoods. Clark (2012) makes a similar observation in relation to the US ‘Moving to Opportunity’ experiment, where low income tenants were supported to move out into lower poverty neighbourhoods (thus an additive not a subtractive policy, in contrast to the UK bedroom tax). Although ostensibly advantaging moves were made, many participants in the programme ended up moving back to their previous or similar neighbourhoods. Decisions by governments, he
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Young children’s and families’ experiences of services aimed at reducing the impact of low-income: participation work with children and families

Young children’s and families’ experiences of services aimed at reducing the impact of low-income: participation work with children and families

Research indicates that children who are raised in poverty continue to be much worse off than their peers, facing adverse developmental, health and educational outcomes in later life (National Children’s Bureau, 2014). The need to address these inequalities continues to grow in urgency, particularly due to the increasing numbers of children living in poverty (Browne, Hood and Joyce, 2013). A series of government child poverty strategies ( HM Government, 2014) have driven the development of policies and services aimed at (i) reducing the impact of living on a low-income and (ii) breaking the cycle of disadvantage for generations to come. Many of these services are targeted at supporting families with children aged 0-5, as evidence highlighting how important the early years are to a child’s development is well established (Tickell, 2011). Recent research highlights that families with young children have been hit harder than any other household type under the current Coalition government’s austerity measures, despite early statements highlighting the importance of a child’s early years (Lupton, 2015).
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Welfare policies and covert behaviors: Understanding the effects on low income families needing child support in central Iowa

Welfare policies and covert behaviors: Understanding the effects on low income families needing child support in central Iowa

The public policy initiatives mentioned above, among others, have not given much support to the development of positive fathering behaviors in non-traditional families because they were originally based in a traditional family context: a married couple with children. The laws that were based within PRWORA pressured fathers to pay child support, but did not help them overcome barriers that were preventing payment, such as unstable employment (Miller, 2006). These policies have mainly focused on a father’s payment of child support as the most important form of positive father involvement and responsibility (Cabrera & Peters, 2000; Miller, 2006). Instead of using federal funding to establish and maintain marriage promotion programs, there should be a mandate to create programs that accept the choices of low-income parents who choose not to marry and provide them with opportunities to become more responsible providers for their children.
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Targeting Obesity in Rural and Appalachian Children and Families: A Systematic Review of Prevention and Treatment Interventions

Targeting Obesity in Rural and Appalachian Children and Families: A Systematic Review of Prevention and Treatment Interventions

Interventions were successful in influencing individual behaviors, improving perceptions and attitudes toward health behaviors, and changing the environment. Overall, 15 interventions were successful to some degree [17][24-37]. Significant improvements in physical activity were identified in four interventions (23.5%). Cottrell et al. [25] observed significant increases in steps taken for the intervention group compared to the control (P < .05). Greening et al. [26] found significant increases in physical activity (P = .04) as well as significant improvement in performance on two out of three fitness tests, including curl-ups (P < 0.0001), and shuttle run (P < 0.0001). Schetzina et al. [30] observed that students were more physically active after program implementation (P < .001), and Hawley et al [34] found that families significantly increased physical activity (M=1.44 METs to M=7.56 METs, P < .01). Improvement in nutritional behaviors was also noted. For example, Canavera et al. [24] reported increased water consumption among participants (P < .05). Five of the interventions (29%) found a significant increase in fruit and vegetable consumption post-intervention [25][27-29][36]. Significant improvement in nutrition- and health-related knowledge was reported by four of the interventions (23.5%) [27][29][31][34]. Weight status or body composition improvements were identified in five programs (29%), three of these indicating significant changes in body fat [26], BMI [31], or weight status [33].
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The Need for Research on Counseling Interventions for Children and Adolescents from Divorced Families: A Literature Review

The Need for Research on Counseling Interventions for Children and Adolescents from Divorced Families: A Literature Review

Gutzwiller, Michael (2008) "The Need for Research on Counseling Interventions for Children and Adolescents from Divorced Families: A Literature Review," Graduate Journal of Couns[r]

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Health Care Coverage and Access for Children in Low-Income Families: Stakeholder Perspectives from California

Health Care Coverage and Access for Children in Low-Income Families: Stakeholder Perspectives from California

Even though there is “no wrong door,” respondents explained that some doors may be “more open” than others. Because of inconsistent staffing and training, families may receive different levels of support and different information depending on how they try to enroll. For example, one respondent explained that, if a mother applies for cov- erage for her child online, the child is granted temporary eligibility while her applica- tion is being verified, but if the mother applies in person at a county office, the child is not covered temporarily. Similarly, staff at certified enrollment entities may have been better prepared than county staff to handle new income eligibility requirements such as criteria for foster care youth. A few respondents offered anecdotal evidence that many families who enrolled in Medi-Cal through Covered California brokers received less follow-up support than if they had enrolled through a Medi-Cal-specific enrollment entity. Respondents cautioned that for many parents, especially those with limited English proficiency or limited literacy, receiving high quality support in their primary language when enrolling for Medi-Cal coverage is critical because the applica- tion itself remains complicated and confusing.
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Dimensions of Disadvantage: Normative and Empirical Analysis of the Effect of Public Insurance on Low-Income Children and Families

Dimensions of Disadvantage: Normative and Empirical Analysis of the Effect of Public Insurance on Low-Income Children and Families

So, is a failure to adequately protect other non-health opportunities in the United States a consequence of overly generous health insurance policies? Some pieces of evidence might support this claim. For example, health care programs comprise the fastest growing portion of the federal budget, and at current rates, the Medicare and Medicaid programs will overtake all other federal non-entitlement spending (CBO 2011). It is claimed that without slowing the growth of health entitlement programs in the long term, there will not be adequate funds for other kinds of domestic spending such as infrastructure development and human services (White House Fiscal Commission 2010). At the state level, Medicaid spending is the largest item in many budgets, and legislatures have cut back on education, public safety, and infrastructure in order to meet their health care spending obligations (NGA 2011). That said, it is not necessarily true that if the government spent less on health care, that it would spend more on other programs. Savings from cutting health care for low-income populations might instead go toward tax cuts for the wealthy. Moreover, it may be possible to increase the efficiency of health care delivery, such as limiting the use of wasteful or redundant procedures. These issues exceed the scope of this paper. My only point is that the burden of proof is on those that object to the Johnsons receiving a subsidy in the current system to show that their receipt of the subsidy is the
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Cumulative Hardship and Wellness of Low-Income, Young Children: Multisite Surveillance Study

Cumulative Hardship and Wellness of Low-Income, Young Children: Multisite Surveillance Study

met the study definition of wellness, compared with 42% of children experi- encing moderate hardship and 35% of children experiencing severe hardship (P ⫽ .0001) (Table 2). When the compo- nents of wellness were evaluated sep- arately, 11% of the children with no re- ported hardship were described as being in fair or poor health, compared with 13% of children with moderate hardship and 19% of children with se- vere hardship (P ⬍ .0001). Children with no or moderate hardship experi- enced identical rates of lifetime hospi- talizations (27%), which differed mar- ginally from the rate for children with severe hardship (33%; P ⫽ .05). Al- though the overall rates of children at risk for underweight (defined as weight for age of ⬍ 5th percentile or weight for length of ⬍ 10th percentile) were high, the rates did not differ sig- nificantly between groups (no hard- ship, 16%; moderate hardship, 14%; severe hardship, 14%; P ⫽ .09). How- ever, rates of risk for overweight (de- fined as weight for age or weight for length of ⬎ 95th percentile or BMI of ⬎ 85th percentile, for children ⬎ 24 months of age), which also were high, showed a marginally significant differ- ence between hardship categories (no hardship, 16%; moderate hardship, 18%; severe hardship, 19%; P ⫽ .05). Rates of scoring at developmental risk on the PEDS differed significantly be- tween hardship categories (no hard- TABLE 1 Sample Characteristics According to Level of Cumulative Hardship for Infants and
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Access to Recreation for Low-Income Families in Ontario

Access to Recreation for Low-Income Families in Ontario

Overview To apply for the WP a client must visit a local community or civic centre, fill out a WP application form and provide supporting documentation (e.g. identification for all family members, proof of address, proof of total family income). Parks, Forestry and Recreation community centre staff review and assess eligibility using Statistics Canada Low Income Cut-Offs (LICO). While waiting for approval, or if ineligible for WP, clients have the option of registering for recreation programs at Priority Centres, which offer a diversity of no-fee programs. Priority Centres make up 21 of the 141 community centres in the City of Toronto. Priority Centres are located in high need communities, where greater than 38% of families are living below LICO. Participation The WP program has grown steadily, with annual increases of over 24%. In
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Use of informal support by families with young children

Use of informal support by families with young children

1.2 Families have been a policy focus for many successive government administrations, however, in recent years, parenting has become an increasingly central focus of much family policy (Wassoff and Hill, 2002). Within this, the provision of adequate and appropriate support for parents to allow them to succeed in their child- rearing responsibilities has been a particular focus. Parental and family ‘support’, in policy terms, has often been understood as taking the form of material benefits such as child support or income support for example. This definition has since expanded and formal support for parents now incorporates education and advice from experts, particularly in statutory/voluntary sector partnerships, with the purpose of firmly establishing an understanding of good parenting skills against a rising threat that such knowledge is disappearing in modern society (Edwards and Gillies, 2005). Notwithstanding this expansion of the forms, methods and scope of formal parental support, research has demonstrated that parents continue to rely on informal sources such as family or friends for help and advice and often turn to these sources in the first instance (Edwards and Gillies, 2004). In research with older people, access to and use of informal support has been related to individual well-being. This research indicates that network size, number of face-to-face contacts and the number of local ties are connected with greater availability of active and emotional support and further, that older people who have strong social networks are happier and more likely to perceive themselves as healthy (Wenger and Tucker, 2002). There is an argument therefore, that informal networks are not only an important source of informal support for parents but that access to and use of those networks may be connected to parental and, consequently, child well- being.
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Supporting Families : a Review of the Implementation of Part 12 : Children at Risk of Becoming Looked After as Set Out in the Children and Young People (Scotland) Act 2014

Supporting Families : a Review of the Implementation of Part 12 : Children at Risk of Becoming Looked After as Set Out in the Children and Young People (Scotland) Act 2014

There was limited communication about the provision of relevant services directly to families and communities. Under article 4 of the 2016 Order, local authorities must publish, in such a manner as they consider appropriate, information about the provision of relevant services; the ways in which persons can contact the local authority about the provision of those relevant services, and; others matters about the provision of relevant services that the local authority considers appropriate. A review of published information on local authority websites found little information specifically on family group decision- making services/support for parenting when a child is at risk of becoming looked after. There was wide variation in the information available across local authority websites detailing any family support services available. A total of seven local authorities had detailed and direct information available regarding specific services, including but not limited to: Triple P, Raising Children with Confidence, PEEP and Home-Start. A further five local authorities provided a list of generic parenting services available in their area, such as parent and toddler groups or childminders, as well as specific parenting support services. These were packaged together in a searchable format for parents and carers to work their way through. Additionally, five local authorities made use of the Scotland-wide service www.families.scot. This website allows a person to search for their local area and any parenting or family services available in that area.
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Peace education for children, young people and families

Peace education for children, young people and families

Competence 1 (BP C1): Planning, monitoring and evaluating peacebuilding activities In order to be successful, any peacebuilding activity needs to be carefully planned, designed, monitored and evaluated. Peacebuilders often lack awareness of the complexity of peace interventions, but start their actions with a lot of enthusiasm and the inner drive to contribute to peace in their communities or at global level. While this enthusiasm and motivation is a positive factor it needs to be accompanied by the essential knowledge, skills and attitudes on conflict-sensitive intervention design and an awareness of the usefulness of in-depth planning, monitoring and evaluation.
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Who's Dreaming? Homeownership Among Low-Income Families

Who's Dreaming? Homeownership Among Low-Income Families

If the housing market takes a more serious downturn during the period of homeownership, then the consequences for low income families will be even more dire. A 20 percent real decline in the value of a home, which would still leave homes priced well above their pre-bubble level in the most affected areas, will result in losses to low income families of almost $36,000 in the scenario described in col- umn 4. In this case, the loss would be approximately equal to the rent that the family would have oth- erwise paid over the entire period — effectively doubling the rent for such a family. Instead of accu- mulating money through homeownership, in this scenario the homebuyers would actually find them- selves owing money after selling their home. The assumptions in this scenario imply that the home- buyer would need an additional $8,245, on top of the money received from selling the home, in order to pay off the mortgage on the house. Of course, in such situations many homeowners will simply default on their mortgage obligations, but this will have consequences for the family’s future access to credit. In any case, this is not a route towards building up a secure base of savings.
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A Randomized Trial to Reduce Passive Smoke Exposure in Low-Income Households With Young Children

A Randomized Trial to Reduce Passive Smoke Exposure in Low-Income Households With Young Children

Eligibility criteria for this study included 1) being either a current smoker or a recent quitter (quit within 3 months of re- cruitment), 2) having a child or a grandchild younger than 3 years and living in the household, and 3) being able to read and speak English or Spanish. Participants were recruited through the family practice, obstetrics, and pediatric departments of 8 community health centers that serve diverse, low-income populations. When ⬎ 1 parent/caregiver in a family smoked, the primary caregiver was selected for study participation. Details on recruitment pro- cedures are available elsewhere. 18 The sample was composed of
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