on a vector reflecting the amount or quality of their hedonic attributes, the regression coefficients will reveal the implicit prices of the attributes (Rosen 1974). The prices are implicit—or “shadow” prices—because these attributes are not traded explicitly in their own markets. These prices indicate two features: firstly, the marginal loss or gain of a consumer when a marginal change happens in one of the hedonic attributes, holding everything else constant and given that these are not sweeping city-wide changes (Tyrväinen 1997); secondly, the willingness to pay for amenities and willingness to avoid disamenities (Tyrväinen 1997; Pope 2008b; Kuminoff et al. 2010). On the supply side, sellers will also seek to maximize the profit they make by selling the property (Rosen 1974). In a realized transaction, when full information and full continuity in the levels of attributes is satisfied, the price of a property reflects the meeting of the lower bound of the seller’s offer envelop and the higher bound of the buyer’s bid envelope for each individual hedonic attribute (Pope 2008b: 553–554). In the long run, house prices will reflect the equilibrium between buyers’ demand for hedonic attributes and sellers’ “production”—in practice, supply—of those attributes (Rosen 1974), and households will be fully compensated for locational disadvantages. Figure 2 (left and center) displays hedonic diagrams for an amenity C i (left) and risk C j (center),
increases at random times, both landlords and tenants economize. To cover the costs of vacancies held by landlords, the price per unit of the flow of services from office space may be somewhat higher. Vacancies allow lower search cost and enable tenants to move without committing themselves long in advance. The market could reduce the price of rental space by building fewer office buildings and thus having fewer vacancies. This would force tenants to plan well in advance and prevent them from adapting quickly to new situations. We expect that, on average, the inventory of empty office space that enables tenants to conveniently search for and move into different offices is small. 5
The estimation of a hedonic price function requires a sample of property transaction data that record each dwelling’s selling price and its various structural and location-related attributes. Optimally, the sample should be large and representative of the urban area in focus as temporal and spatial heterogeneity in the housing market are frequently noted as issues that interfere with the estimations (Tyrväinen 1997). Georeferenced transactions, i.e. location-enabled observations, are also increasingly common, because they can be integrated with GIS information layers and spatial analysis methodologies, extending the analytical potential of traditional hedonic analysis. Notable among these extensions is the correction of the estimates from errors due to spatial autocorrelation and the estimation of spatial spillover effects in real estate markets (explained in Section 5.1). In theory (that is, in perfect markets), price compensation implies that in the long run all similar households are equally well-off at their residential location (DiPasquale and Wheaton 1996). In particular, hedonic price theory assumes full information in the price determination process and no information asymmetries between seller and buyer. In practice, housing markets contain numerous information gaps and asymmetries (Pope 2006, 2008b) that hinder this process. Figure 2 (right) displays what happens to the hedonic price equilibrium under uncertainty about risk C j . Due to the time and resource constraints involved in the search process, the buyer does not have full access to information regarding the risks of a property and cannot properly assess risk levels. On the contrary, the buyer is assumed to have better access to risk information, often by virtue of living there (Pope 2008b). The result is that the bid and offer curves are no longer tangent; the buyer’s bid envelop is higher than the seller’s offer envelop, and the price will be anywhere between the respective curves, indicated as a grey area in the diagram. Harding et al. (2003) describe that this results in an excess surplus for the seller, whereas Pope (2008b) describes that the corresponding price P(C j , C k ) + η is the price under full information plus an information uncertainty error η.
magnificent sailing vessel, you will realise that the focus of the design has been to make her sailing experience uniquely practical, luxurious, with an abundance of space, light and absolute comfort, the ultimate argument for the mastery of the BALI 5.4 having been the 2019 Multihull of the Year nomination!
incorporates a number of assumptions whose empirical relevance can be questioned, it is useful to note that it is robust to relaxation of a number of these assumptions. For instance, if lot size or housing consumption h is fixed or predetermined (by history and high adjustment costs) there will still emerge a hedonic price function that establishes the equilibrium (2.12) and equations (2.13)-(2.15) will be valid. Moreover, a housing market equilibrium as implied by (2.12) will also emerge if there is an urban growth boundary, which causes land prices at the boundary of the city to exceed the value of agricultural land. These observations are of particular importance for the situation in the Netherlands where, as we noted in the introduction, restrictive spatial planning may well have resulted in house prices that are higher and lot sizes that are smaller than market forces would suggest. Even in these circumstances, a social planner should provide open space until condition (2.16) is satisfied.
In most large cities around the world, the FSI varies from 5 to 15 (in lower and mid-Manhattan, New York) in the city center, to about 0.5, or below, in the suburbs. In most large cities of the world, as technology and infrastructure improve, the FAR (FSI) in the city center tends to increase. However, contrary to international evidence, India’s cities have extremely low maximum FAR, in the center of cities, which is have found to be on average 2.43 (for residential purposes), based on data from more than 100 cities throughout India . Indian FARs are low, above 2 is very rare – the historical aim has been to keep down heights because of scale and cost of infrastructure required to support high rise and in some cases lack of resources/unwillingness to make that kind of investment. The result of unduly low FAR restrictions is that the supply of built land is restricted, and the price per unit of built area is bid up. The extraordinarily low FSI in Indian cities has led to an artificial increase in rents per square foot and land prices.
(2013) show that such an increase of the UHI can be reduced by changes in the strategy for sub- urban and rural crops and increases in the forested areas in the region of Paris. These few exam- ples already show the variety of processes that can interact within the frame of urban meteorology alone when we consider the adaptation of cities to climate change. The results of the EPICEA pro- ject 5 highlight the potential effect of adaptation measures aiming to limit the intensity of the UHI over a big city ( Lemonsu et al., 2013 ) by modifying the surface energy balance. These techniques are widely known (e.g. surfaces that reﬂect high proportions of solar radiation, high infrared albedo of roofs and wall surfaces, greening and watering of urban surfaces) but a detailed simulation of heat and mass transfers between the built area and the atmosphere is needed to assess their effect. An average reduction of 1 K over space and time may appear to be a modest result but such an effect could greatly inﬂuence the recorded mortality. The temperature decrease may be locally and tempo- rarily higher depending on the many factors that drive the energy balance. This project also ad- dresses some side effects of implementing adaptation measures (feasibility, cost, maintenance, and acceptability).
A B S T R A C T
This paper profiles Fukuoka City in Kyushu, Japan. We focus on the city's local climate change adaptation policies, and in particular the role of urban and greenspace planning in facilitating adaptation actions within Fukuoka. Fukuoka is a humid subtropical city which is currently experiencing significant population and eco- nomic growth. It has also made comparatively rigorous advances in climate adaptation, in a country context where local governments have been criticised for focusing more on mitigation. Fukuoka hence may yield lessons for other rapidly urbanising subtropical Asian cities. We illustrate that Fukuoka has a long tradition of science- policy connection towards the creation of a liveable urban environment. This creates a favourable research and policy infrastructure for adaptation, in particular mitigation of heat risk. This is evidenced in consideration of climate issues within the city's greenspace plans since the 1990s, and in an extensive body of underpinning applied research from local institutions into urban thermal environments in particular. Fukuoka's green terraced ACROS building has come to symbolise adaptation via the built environment, and has been followed by the emergence of further green roofs and through citizen and private sector involvement in smaller-scale greening actions. We caution that challenges remain around connecting different sections of local governments, and in maintaining climate and environmental imperatives in the face of ongoing development and expansion pres- sures.
We restrict the focus of this analysis to the five major tomato markets of Ghana. Among them are the most important net producer markets 10 Navrongo (Nav) and Techiman (Tec) which supply a substantial share of Ghana’s fresh tomato in alternate seasons. Besides them, we also consider the three most important net consumer markets namely Tamale (Tam), Kumasi (Kum) and Accra (Acc) located in the three largest cities of Ghana (Figure 2 in Appendix I). The analysis is based on a unique set of primary data available which consists of semi-weekly observations of wholesale tomato prices and trade flows of these five markets (Table 1). It was collected by continuous market surveys conducted from mid March 2007 until end of February 2010 consisting of 348 observations of each market (Figure 1). Hence, the dataset covers three years which is equivalent to seven tomato production seasons. The prices are quoted for the best quality of tomato available at the time of the survey in the given market. They are measured in New Ghana Cedis (GH¢) per normal crate 11 of fresh and ripped tomato since this is the basic quantity tomatoes are traded in Ghana. 12
In the context of their history and the geopolitical location of Gulf cities, astute regional rulers recognized the potential to develop them into viable trading hubs between Asia, Europe and Africa. On the other side of the Peninsula and along the Gulf coast, a number of deep-water harbors have been built in order to increase capacities for global trade. In addition to harbors, international airports have been eventually established then expanded and new airports launched in order to create air cargo and passenger hubs. The development of trade as an essential part of a future economy has been accelerated through the introduction of the concept of ‘free trade zones’ (FTZ) in the Gulf by the Emirate of Dubai. In 1985, the first FTZ was established in Jebel Ali, this attracted many companies because of minimal or no taxation and modern, sophisticated infrastructure. Reduced bureaucratic requirements and less restrictive labor legislation have attracted the interest of international entrepreneurs and investors in establishing businesses in Dubai. Similarly, over the following decade, several FTZs were founded in the Emirate Kuwait, the Kingdom of Bahrain and, most particularly in other emirates in the UAE. The size of FTZs, which have generally been located near airports or harbors, varies large industrial areas such as Jebel Ali Free Trade Zone in Dubai or Science Parks such as Qatar Science and Technology Park (QSTP) in Doha.
Public space is a critical component of how we have tradi- tionally understood ‘the city’; especially its civic and cultural virtues, which were presented as a counterbalance to uncontrolled acquisitive behaviour. However, the nature of public space is being challenged. Fundamentally, cities are in danger not simply of taking the wrong policy direction, but of literally losing control of the public realm and a crucial opportunity to shape public culture. Today, culture is often an instrumental hook to ‘place branding’ and attracting foreign direct investment. Understood in this way, consumer culture, and retail consumption (or increas- ingly the experience of shopping) is the end point. However, irreducibly this must mean that the market is for the richest and most privileged, it is not proﬁtable to promote the cultural diversity that would appeal to the whole community, non-elite shopping experiences, or non-‘high’ culture venues. Diversity in style, in culture, in income and experience is what the city stands to lose.
29. From an anthropological perspective, studies have argued against the socio- spatial segregation in Gulf cities and Doha is no exception. See, for example, S. Naqy, “Making Room for Migrants, Making Sense of Difference: Spatial and Ideological Expression of Social Diversity in Urban Qatar,” Urban Studies 43 (2006), pp.119–37. From an urban and decision-making perspective, I have recently questioned urban regeneration interventions in the city of Doha, arguing that the neighborhoods of Al-Asmakh and Al-Najada, which accommodate low-income groups and migrant workers, should be treated as important place typologies in the memory and history of the city. The context was the issuance in 2014 of demolition and eviction notices for around half the buildings in the Al-Asmakh area at the heart of the old part of the city. See A.M. Salama, “Intervention Urbanism: The Delicacy of Aspirational Change in the Old Centre of Doha,” in C. Melhuish, B. Campkin, and R. Ross, eds., Urban Pamphleteer #4: Heritage and Renewal in Doha (London: UCL Urban Laboratory, 2014), pp.1–3.
Whether collected automatically or volunteered, these new data potentially contain a wealth of information to inform spatial models of urban processes. This does, of course, depend on resolving issues of bias, noise and generalization. Section 3 outlined two areas in which the need for the improvement of ABMs is particularly strong: understanding behavior; and calibration and validation. In both of these cases the issues often center around data availability and hence “big” sources have the potential for innovation in urban modeling. The proliferation of Internet-enabled devices such as smart phones has enabled individuals and third-party organizations to begin to capture digital information about aspects of peoples’ lives that have historically gone undocumented . This “datafication”  might not only includes an individual’s precise location in time and space, but also their thoughts, feelings, moods, and behaviors. Furthermore, this information is usually observed rather than reported, which overcomes some limitations associated with traditional activity-based surveys (for example see  for a discussion about recall and bias issues with time- activity diaries).
descriptor of UK society generated by the ‘new migrations’ of the last fifteen-years. Conceptions of superdiversity combine, contest and fragment ethnicity and migration status, thus opening a space to develop more sophisticated notions of ethnicity in urban contexts as this paper suggest. Superdiversity extends dominant conceptions of multi-racial and multi-ethnic Britain beyond hypervisible South Asian and African Caribbean migrant-settler populations, and rightly offers this more complex picture as a critique of the nation-state’s policy framework for the management of multi-racialism. But it does so without addressing visibility or the specifics of urban space.
numerous different functions and meanings for different groups. There is also an examination of ‘home’ as represented by suburbia, block or tenement dwelling, and apartment or mansion flat habitation. Set against this ‘private’ space is an examination of the changing workplace, particularly the emergence of the office block and, from the 1880s, the skyscraper. Continuing in the ‘public’ realm there is a skilful analysis of the rise of the department store as a locale for both consumption and culture (and the consumption of culture). Given the previous emphasis on male urban planners and architects, and the predominantly male gaze of social investigators, novelists and artists, the latter chapters of the book incorporate considerable reflection upon female agency and experience in the modernising city. (Given its ambitious breadth, Dennis admits that he is not able to give space to a consideration of the urban experience of other subaltern groups such as the young, elderly, poor and ‘alien’). The book concludes with a consideration of the increasingly networked nature of the modern city, be it via sewers, telegraph, telephone or intra-city rail systems, Dennis using this idea of interconnectedness to pull his various themes and conclusions together. In short, indicative of the thoroughness with which he dissects the modernising city, its practices and meanings, Dennis engages with both ‘private’ and ‘public’ spaces, though these are by no means firmly bounded divides in a study that generally remains faithful to the complex and frequently contradictory nature of modernity.
Following the “spatial turn” of the last 3 decades in humanities and social sciences and the structure of semiotic object, this research studies space as the main semiotic object of Calvino’s (1972) Invisible Cities. Significance of this application resides in examining the possibility of providing a more concrete methodology based on the integration of Zoran’s (1984) 3 vertical levels of constructing space and Hrushovski’s (1979) 3-dimensional model of the structure of semiotic object in the space-oriented plot of Calvino’s (1972) novel. In fact, the topographic, chronotopic, and textual levels of space are respectively studied in association with the dimensions of meaning and reference, organized text, and speech and position. It is also suggested that for studying all the vertical levels of space in Invisible Cities as well as all other literary texts, the 3 aspects of textual levels including the selectivity of language, the linearity of the text and the latter’s perspective are respectively reflected in the structure of space at the topographic, chronotopic, and textual levels. Keywords: Topographic Level; Chronotopic Level; Textual Level; Three- Dimensional Model; Semiotic Object; Space
There are not any transportation plans of the case cities and the transportation is generally busy and unorganized. Main roads, the refuges and sidewalks of the three case cities have been examined and the general qualifications of them have been classified as roads with no refuges, roads with narrow refuges and sidewalks and roads with wider refuges and sidewalks. While examining the roads of case cities, generally the problems about space narrowness (refuge size, the size of the space left around plant root on sidewalks) and soil (compactness of soil, general quality) have been considered mostly. According to the data gathered during the research it has been seen that the refuges are not wide enough. The width of the sidewalks is not constant along the roads. Circular areas are left on the roundabout central islands along the main roads. Diameter of these circles also differ and on some of them plastic and water features can be seen.
are traditionally overshadowed by the production of other physical and social effects, and not directly by citizenship [21,29,42,50].
At the end of the 1960s, Lefebvre reflected on the further transformation of the relations between place-based government and citizenship. His hypothesis was that an urban revolution could reform capitalist culture. His idea of “the right to the city”  has been accepted in several European cities, thus encouraging popular claims of living in the city since the 1970s . Lefebvre’s ideas demand greater control over urban master plans and urban projects in order to offer housing and social services that improve the conditions of urban life. In practice and in many cases, this translates into a bureaucratic and regulatory rigidity that produces more criticism of and disaffections with place-based government. In many contexts, the reaction to this rigidity is urban speculation, encouraged by the general climate of strong individualism, power of profit, and carelessness of the city as a common good . Lefebvre’s hope of social and urban revolution that would lead to the consumerism and capitalist production was lost in continental Europe with the rise of neo-liberal Anglo-Saxon culture and the overwhelming development of globalisation. The ideas of welfare and citizenship are in crisis, even though as a reaction in the 1990s, citizenship returned to being a basic topic of study and debate .
Energy efficiency is an increasing concern and drives the demand for specific products that indicate energy losses and potential savings. Light emissions and Thermography maps allow a better understanding of urban citizen behavior as well as the specific performance of buildings. These products are focus on the contribution of cities to increased atmospheric concentration of CO2 due to the inefficient use of energy within the cities, and cost reductions due to energy saving, by determining the areas that are the least energy-efficient. From space two types of energy loss can be detected: 1) thermal energy loss due to the heating or cooling of buildings (Fig. 4), and 2) excessive lighting (nighttime lights). The attribution of these energy emissions can be reached by combining this data with core mapping services (Urban Atlas, HR Layers, …), leading to an improved understanding of the emitting areas in the city (identification of hotspots).
activist groups based in Stokes Croft, Bristol (UK), we argue that cultural activism provides new political prospects within the wider context of global capitalism through the cultivation of a shared aesthetics of protest. By cultivating aspects of shared history and a mutual enthusiasm for creative practice as a form of resistance, Stokes Croft has emerged as a ‘space of nurturance’ for creative sensibilities. However, we note how Stokes Croft as an autonomous space remains open-ended and multiple for activists interested in promoting different visions of social justice”. The CMIR’s ZoP-SC project is an online reality layered on top of the offline, real world community of Stokes Croft, as such it a neighborhood in a hybrid city. The content of the ZoP-SC project is generated by “community reporters” - people who have been instrumental in the use of culture, activism, social resilience and entrepreneurship in the regeneration of the area. For example, a representative of the ‘The People’s Republic of Stokes Croft’, which has been instrumental in the transformation of the area, might make a video about how it finances itself through selling pottery, often bearing political messages. Another video might be about the local Tesco store. This video might provoke a political discussion about the significance of the so called Tesco Riots and the effect of supermarket chains on local grocery stores. Questions are raised from different perspectives and ‘possibilities’ arise to enter the debate. People can contribute to social discussions by using the forum associated to each video or by collaboratively adding annotations to specific frames on a video. Content can be accessed via mobile device or desktop, and from anywhere, so