Top PDF Speaking about sexual abuse in British South Asian communities: offenders, victims and the challenges of shame and reintegration

Speaking about sexual abuse in British South Asian communities: offenders, victims and the challenges of shame and reintegration

Speaking about sexual abuse in British South Asian communities: offenders, victims and the challenges of shame and reintegration

8 men’s social dominance. In this way ‘honour’, instead of celebrating women’s dignity and social importance, often leads to their victimisation and abuse. Cultural background is an important factor not only in how individual women define and respond to sexual violence, but also how it is defined and discussed in different cultural and ethnic groups. In South Asian Hindi and Urdu-speaking communities, the term most commonly used when talking about rape is meri izzat looti gayi (Hindi) and meri izzat lut gayi (Urdu): both versions translate roughly as ‘I could not prevent them from stealing my honour’. This euphemistic discourse subverts the experiences of rape victims by reaffirming the patriarchal values – and attitudes about honour and shame – that shape the power structures of South Asian communities. Note that, linguistically speaking, a man lut (i.e. loots) a women’s izzat by committing rape, instead of surrendering his own (Gill 2009, pp. 165-6). In films in Hindi and Urdu, the most commonly used euphemism for rape, izzat lut gaye (i.e. not being able to hold on to her honour), linguistically suggests that honour is housed in female reproductive organs and is, thus, physically susceptible to violent sexual assault; the wording also implies that the victim is at fault for losing her izzat though rape. Thus, it is the victim who is disgraced rather than the perpetrator; indeed, when a woman loses her izzat as result of rape she is likely to be socially ostracised, forced to marry her rapist, or even murdered for having harmed her family’s honour.
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An Examination of the Relationship between Shame, Honour and Child Sexual Abuse of Females in South Asian families

An Examination of the Relationship between Shame, Honour and Child Sexual Abuse of Females in South Asian families

• Children’s Commissioner (2015). ‘Protecting children from harm: a critical assessment of child sexual abuse in the family network in England and priorities for action’. • Cowburn, M., Gill, A. and Harrison, K. (2014). ‘Speaking about sexual abuse in British South Asian communities: offenders, victims and the challenges of shame and

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Policing the culture of silence: strategies to increase the reporting of sexual abuse in British South Asian communities

Policing the culture of silence: strategies to increase the reporting of sexual abuse in British South Asian communities

17 Another officer saw the need to use sexual vocabulary as a limiting factor when it came to progressing with a prosecution and giving evidence in court. While they acknowledged that the retelling of a sexual crime is incredibly difficult for all victims, regardless of gender or culture, they thought it could be more difficult for British South Asian victims because ‘You’ve got the added complications of what the family are thinking and all the associated risk that goes with it’. Yet another impediment for some British South Asian victims who do not speak English lies in the fact that there are no equivalent words in Urdu or Punjabi for rape. Unlike an English speaker who can walk into a police station and tell the officer at the front desk (who might be a man) that she has been raped, women who do not speak English are faced with the prospect of having to tell this first line officer the intricate details of what has happened to them. When modesty and shame preclude the telling of such a story, non-reporting may be seen as the preferred option.
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Online child sexual abuse by female offenders: an exploratory study

Online child sexual abuse by female offenders: an exploratory study

The preceding arguments clearly open pathways for the conceptualisation of gender differences in child sexual abuse. Nevertheless, this problem remains under-theorised and poorly understood, even though it has been widely documented. In comparison with males, only a small percentage of females sexually abuse children (Matravers, 2008). This common knowledge has fuelled the misconception that female sex offending is so rare that the problem simply does not exist. However, research suggests that, although rare in comparison with male perpetrated offences, females are involved in a significant minority of sexual offences (Bunting, 2007). Given that the majority of reported child molestations are committed by men, the issue of the female sex offender has been virtually ignored (Elliott, 1993; Finkelhor, 1984; Mathews, 1989). This is evident in literature which dates back to the late 1980s. Prior to that, scant attention was paid to the female sex offender, and this has made victims of female child sexual abuse feel, “more isolated than those abused by men” (Bass & Davis, cited in Elliott (1993, p. 220). Research into the participation of women in child sexual abuse has varied widely from 0 per cent in research carried out by Jaffe et al. (1975), 24 percent in the National Incidence Study (1981), to 70 percent in research carried out by Fromouth and Burkhart (1989).
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Intellectually Disabled Victims of Sexual Abuse in the Criminal Justice System

Intellectually Disabled Victims of Sexual Abuse in the Criminal Justice System

People with intellectual disabilities suffer from a dispropor- tionately high exposure to sexual abuse (Bureau of Justice Sta- tistics, 2012; Schröttle, Hornberg, Glammeier, Sellach, Kave- mann, Puhe, & Zinsmeister, 2012). Although they naturally do not form a homogeneous group of persons who are all equally at risk, there is no longer any doubt within the scientific com- munity that individuals with intellectual disabilities are more vulnerable due to an accumulation of personal and social risk factors. That is, their specific socialization conditions and needs lead in various ways to an imbalance of power between them and their environment that greatly increases their probability of becoming victims of sexual abuse (Peckham, 2007; Rand, 2002; Schröttle et al., 2012; Senn, 1988; Sobsey, 1994; Trost, 2010; Walter, 2002). This power gap between offender and victim or the limited possibility of successfully fending off violence is considered to be a key mechanism for explaining sexual abuse (Cossins, 2000; Koss et al., 1994). For people with intellectual disabilities, the possibility of successfully fending off violence is limited in many ways. For example, even today, they have often not received an adequate sexual education and have had little opportunity to gather sexual experiences (Allington, 1992; Trost, 2010). As a result, they lack both the ability to differenti- ate and the language not only to communicate what they want and do not want but also to report potential abuse (Walter, 2005). A further aspect is that a limited cognitive capacity re- duces the ability to perceive and appropriately interpret danger signals (Tyler, Hoyt, & Withbeck, 1998). Because of their re- stricted ability to grasp situations, they may, for example, not comprehend the intentions of a potential offender until it is too late (Senn, 1988). Moreover, negative feedback from their so- cial environment contributes to low self-esteem, and low self- esteem makes it harder to set limits (Becker, 1995). In addition, people with intellectual disabilities generally have less effective social networks and are highly dependent both economically
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Psychological Distress and Revictimization Risk in Youth Victims of Sexual Abuse

Psychological Distress and Revictimization Risk in Youth Victims of Sexual Abuse

dence that these risk indicators are present in youth, further research should examine their value in predicting revictimization prior to reaching adulthood. The current project also relied on self- and parent-report of abuse. All families were referred to Project SAFE through the local CAC, with a majority of youth having completed a forensic interview prior to re- ferral. CAC staff are thoroughly trained in working with these families and the researchers worked closely with CAC staff to make appropriate treat- ment referrals to Project SAFE. We did not include a control group to ex- plore actual treatment effects as they differ from natural, time-related symptom reduction. It is recommended that youth receive treatment imme- diately following disclosure (Hsu, 2003), thus a wait-list control group may be considered unethical in that it prevents responsive intervention. The samples used in the current study were quite homogeneous in regard to gender (71% of children and 88% of adolescents were female) and ethnicity (80% children and 77% adolescents identified as European American). This lack of ethnic diversity resulted in collapsing minority ethnic groups into one group for analyses, which limits generalizability of the present findings and fails to recognize between-group differences for youth of varying ethnic identifications. Future research would benefit from inclusion of more di- verse samples. In addition, this study focused solely on experiences of sexu- al abuse and did not measure comorbidity with other types of abuse experi- ences, preventing an examination of the effect of polyvictimization on func- tioning and risk. Finally, three adolescents were aged outside of standardi- zation groups for the CITES-R and CDI (two participants aged 17 years and one aged 18 years), and Cronbach’s alpha suggested poor or questionable internal consistency on a number of the measures used. All of these measures (i.e., CBCL, SEI, and CITES-R) have been used previously and demonstrated sound psychometric properties; however, the poor internal consistency with the present sample suggests that findings should be inter- preted with caution.
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Concave Hymenal Variations in Suspected Child Sexual Abuse Victims

Concave Hymenal Variations in Suspected Child Sexual Abuse Victims

cavities was consistent with a congenital, persistent variation; (5) in the interobserver exercise, patients with angular concavities were significantly skewed toward the trauma cluster;[r]

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Improving Emergency Department Care for Pediatric Victims of Sexual Abuse

Improving Emergency Department Care for Pediatric Victims of Sexual Abuse

The PED is staffed by PEM faculty, clinical staff pediatricians, nurse practitioners, and resident physicians.‍ All providers can care for patients with reported sexual abuse, although nurse practitioners and resident physicians are supervised by a PEM faculty or clinical staff pediatrician.‍ Our PED is also staffed with social workers and pediatric sexual assault nurse examiners (P-SANEs), available at all times.‍ A social worker is involved with every case of suspected sexual abuse.‍ P-SANEs are involved only in cases in which evidence collection is indicated.‍ The workflow in our PED is such that a social worker completes a medical interview and discusses the sexual abuse disclosure with the medical provider.‍ The provider is subsequently responsible for the physical examination and medical management of the patient.‍ This quality improvement project was designed to improve the provision of recommended medical management for patients with reported sexual abuse.‍ The primary process measure was the proportion of PED encounters for reported sexual abuse that was adherent to algorithm recommendations.‍ The project was evaluated by the institutional review board, and it was determined that the project did not meet the definition of human subjects research.‍
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Reintegration Planning for Sexual Offenders: Relationships with Static and Dynamic Risk, Treatment Outcome and Recidivism

Reintegration Planning for Sexual Offenders: Relationships with Static and Dynamic Risk, Treatment Outcome and Recidivism

Second Generation Risk Assessments: Actuarial Risk Instruments As discussed, research shows that by itself, clinical judgement is relatively poor at predicting recidivism and lead to the development of actuarial risk assessment measures. Actuarial measures use risk factors linked to recidivism by research. Research examining risk factors for recidivism identify two categories of risk factors, these being static and dynamic factors. Static risk factors are fixed or unchangeable and are often historical in nature and mark long-term propensities to engage in criminal behaviour (Hanson, 1998). In their meta-analytic review of sexual offender research, Hanson and Bussière (1998) examined risk factors associated with sexual recidivism from 61 studies. They found that static factors such as age and non-sexual crime history were reliable predictors of sexual offending, similar to other meta-analytic work on general offenders (e.g., Gendreau, Little, & Goggin, 1996). Hanson and Bussière also found that static factors relating to sexual deviance, like prior sexual offences, extrafamilial or stranger victims, related to sexual recidivism but not general recidivism.
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Victims’ versus ‘offenders’ in British political discourse: the construction of a false dichotomy

Victims’ versus ‘offenders’ in British political discourse: the construction of a false dichotomy

In marked contrast to the growing sensitivity accorded to crime victims, lawbreakers are increasingly the targets of vilification in political discourse. The government response to the Breaking the Cycle Green Paper (Ministry of Justice 2010, 2011) – purportedly the blueprint for a ‘rehabilitation revolution’ – pledged commitments to the rights and needs of victims within the context of an expressly punitive language about the purposes of the criminal justice system. A quotation attributed to Chris Grayling’s predecessor, Kenneth Clarke, at the beginning of the response states: ‘A firm, fair justice system which keeps the law-abiding safe and gives law-breakers their just deserts is the most fundamental thing a state should offer its citizens’ (Ministry of Justice 2011, p.1). This rhetoric presents an image of a ‘powerful state’ that is cast as the protector of the rights of ‘good citizens’, guaranteeing serious consequences for those who contravene the law. Against this backdrop, the withholding or curtailment of ‘offenders’’ rights may be seen as holding symbolic purchase in reinforcing political legitimacy through promises of public safety. Drawing discursive connections between safety, ‘good’ citizenry, and the powerful State suggests a rationale for disregarding the citizenship and rights of lawbreakers who are, presumably, not offered those most ‘fundamental protections’ extended to the ‘law-abiding public’.
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EFFECTIVE REHABILITATION AND REINTEGRATION OF OFFENDERS

EFFECTIVE REHABILITATION AND REINTEGRATION OF OFFENDERS

Formed in May 2000, the CARE Network brings together the major community and government organizations responsible for the rehabilitation of ex-offenders, including the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, the Singapore Prison Service, the Singapore Corporation of Rehabilitative Enterprises, the National Council of Social Service, the Industrial & Services Co-operative Society Limited, the Singapore Aftercare Association and the Singapore Anti-Narcotics Association. The Network, co-chaired by Singapore Prison Service and SCORE, engages the community in rehabilitation, co-ordinates member agencies’ activities and develops innovative rehabilitation initiatives for ex-offenders. The Yellow Ribbon Project (to be further discussed in the subsequent section) is one major campaign developed and launched under the CARE Network.
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Cultural barriers to the disclosure of child sexual abuse in Asian communities: Listening to what women say.

Cultural barriers to the disclosure of child sexual abuse in Asian communities: Listening to what women say.

Cultural barriers to the disclosure of child sexual abuse in Asian communities: listening to what women say. Abstract There is an apparent under-reporting of child sexual abuse in Britain’s Asian communities and a very varied capacity amongst professionals and agencies to respond with cultural competence. Professional approaches to child protection originate in cultural contexts, which are different to those of most British Asians. A qualitative study in Bradford used discussion of a locally produced multi-lingual booklet as a catalyst for discussion of responses within Asian communities to child sexual abuse. Analysis of notes and transcripts of discussions with groups of Asian women identified common and contrasting themes. Prominent amongst these were a general acknowledgement that child sexual abuse occurs within Asian communities; that it is a problem which needs to be addressed by all communities and that those affected may find it difficult to access services even where they are available. In particular, there was recognition that difficulties which arise, in part, from fears about how relevant agencies and professionals will respond, are frequently compounded by the impact of cultural imperatives arising from ‘Izzat’ (Honour / Respect), ‘Haya’ (Modesty) and ‘Sharam’ (Shame / Embarrassment). These appear to determine how women in particular will behave. A review of similar studies, in the fields of
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Law enforcement\u27s reconceptualization of juvenile prostitutes from delinquency offenders to child sexual abuse victims in six US cities

Law enforcement\u27s reconceptualization of juvenile prostitutes from delinquency offenders to child sexual abuse victims in six US cities

While this study identified characteristics of cases which influenced how law enforcement officers conceptualized youth's culpability status, it is also important to consider this dich[r]

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Interviewing child victims of maltreatment including physical and sexual abuse

Interviewing child victims of maltreatment including physical and sexual abuse

DSS investigators and law enforcement officers should take the following actions in seeking to corroborate a child’s disclosures in a forensic interview. 1. Carefully study the child’s disclosure line by line and seek evidence which corroborates the details of the disclosure. If a child described the room in which the abuse occurred, get pictures or a video of the room to corroborate the child’s description (room color, décor, carpeting, presence of telephone, television or stereo). If a child discloses that lubricant and/or wipes were used in the assault, get the lubricant and/or wipes. If a child discloses that the perpetrator drinks a particular brand of beer when drinking before assaults on the child, get the beer of that brand from the perpetrator’s house. In seeking corroboration, don’t ignore seemingly improbable details in a child’s disclosure. A child may disclose that the perpetrator “had a devil on his pee pee”. An investigator pursuing that detail may discover that the perpetrator has a tattoo of Satan on his penis.
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Challenges That Confront Offenders During Reentry Into Kenyan Communities

Challenges That Confront Offenders During Reentry Into Kenyan Communities

According to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, the prison population total including pre-trial detainees and remand prisoners stood at 52,000 as at February, 2012. This is against the official capacity of prison system in Kenya which is 22,000. The occupancy level based on official capacity is 236.4%, a fact that there is overcrowding in the 99 institutions established across the country, which accommodates prisoners, according to the Ministry of Interior and Coordination of National Government. This high figure of prisoners is occasioned by a growing number of re-offenders being incarcerated. According to Dennis Lumiti (2004), 700 out of 744 inmates released under Presidential amnesty it was found that more than 60% of the inmates had returned to prison. This extraordinarily high rate of recidivism among prisoners has tremendous costs in terms of public safety and in money spent to arrest, prosecute, and incarcerate re-offenders. From the trend in the high prevalence of recidivism in many countries globally, including Kenya, there is a staggering high number of people being incarcerated and eventually released back to the community. There is also a high risk of re-arrest and re-incarceration of the released offenders which is a concern for policymakers, criminologists, and those involved in corrections. From this background, it was therefore imperative to establish the challenges facing the ex-offenders in the reentry process which forces them to relapse into criminal activities soon after being released from Kenyan prisons.
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Questions and Answers about Child Sexual Abuse

Questions and Answers about Child Sexual Abuse

professional and talk through what has happened, to make sure the child understands and feels safe talking about his or her feelings. Children may blame themselves or hold other unrealistic ideas or beliefs about the abuse (cognitive distortions) that need to be corrected. Parents may also benefit from talking to a professional who can assist them in overcoming the distress naturally associated with discovering that their child has been sexually abused. One approach to treatment, involving parents and children, that has received considerable scientific support is Trauma-focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy. There is increasing evidence that, with support from a caring adult and high quality treatment, many children and parents effectively recover and may feel stronger and closer as a family in the aftermath of a traumatic experience.
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Obesity Risk for Female Victims of Childhood Sexual Abuse: A Prospective Study

Obesity Risk for Female Victims of Childhood Sexual Abuse: A Prospective Study

development of obesity as an inevitability for abuse vic- tims. We simply wish to underscore the need for sys- tematic study of the mechanistic and mediating pro- cesses that would help to explain the connection between childhood abuse and later obesity. Although some of our demographic matching and statistical con- trol represent methodologic improvement over past studies, we were unable to control for several conditions that may place children at high risk for obesity develop- ment. For example, familial histories of psychiatric or substance use disorders and numerous alternative ad- verse environmental factors such as comorbid neglect, poor nutrition and dietary habits, family dysfunction, and greater social isolation may contribute to the devel- opment of obesity in this population independent of the experience of childhood abuse. The extent to which sexual abuse is, in itself, a particularly salient risk factor remains theoretical, because the definitive study to com- pare alternative forms of childhood adversity has not yet been adequately executed. Moreover, given that our sample was recruited from CPS agencies and a nonabus- ing caregiver was required to participate, abused partic- ipants may represent a select set of the abused popula- tion (ie, those who had reported, substantiated abuse and whose caregiver was available/supportive).
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Re-thinking sport: physical activity and healthy living in British South Asian Muslim communities

Re-thinking sport: physical activity and healthy living in British South Asian Muslim communities

In the context of sport and physical activity puberty marked a cultural as well as a physical stage. The younger Sitara girls – those aged seven to eleven years old - tended to prefer arts and crafts to sport and physical activities although they also played rounders, netball and bench ball. An after-school dance club was both popular and seen to be culturally normal. The girls also enjoyed swimming and being pre-pubescent could use the local pool “any time at all” and were also allowed by their parents to use the fun pool in the town centre. Some played football “just for fun” and not necessarily as part of school PE lessons. Being too young to take a serious interest in relationships with boys or to be fully conscious of the sexual symbolism of physical movement, they pursued active leisure as freely as white girls. They enjoyed experiencing new activities, for example rock climbing, go-karting, quad bikes, trapeze gymnastics and visits to the countryside, one commenting that “it was so peaceful that I just didn’t want to come back”.
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Adolescent male victims and perpetrators of child sexual abuse: Maternal attributions

Adolescent male victims and perpetrators of child sexual abuse: Maternal attributions

Bandura's (1977) theory that individuals observe and imitate behaviour in their social environment implies that exposure to 'deviant models' may result in the practice and adoption of a deviant behavioural repertoire, including that o f sexual aggression. Ryan (199Id) notes that the deviant models are not necessarily sexually aggressive, but may model antisocial behaviour and physical violence as normative. Although only about 35% o f adolescent sex offenders would be labelled as conduct disordered (Ryan, 199Id) and up to 50% may have been sexually victimised, the learning theory models appear to contribute plausibly to an understanding of the development o f sexually abusive behaviour. This does not detract from the importance of mutual cognitions within family systems between parents and children which also play an important role in the socialisation of children (see Maccoby, 1992). Ryan (199Id) suggests that learning theories also have broader implications at a societal level, in that if children are not protected from deviant models by child care and criminal law, that society is likely to be at risk of high rates of such deviance.
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