Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice Number 176
On 28 June 2010, the NSW Parliament passed the Crimes (Sentencing Legislation) Amendment (IntensiveCorrectionOrders) Bill. The Bill removed the sentencing option of periodic detention and introduced a new sentencing option — the intensivecorrection order (ICO) — “designed to reduce an offender’s risk of re-offending through the provision of intensive rehabilitation and supervision in the community” (Attorney General’s Second Reading Speech, Hansard, 28 June 2010). Like periodic detention, an ICO is an alternative to full-time imprisonment that allows an offender to retain employment and remain in contact with family networks while serving the sentence. ICOs were designed to address some of the shortcomings of periodic detention including that periodic detention was not available throughout the State and that periodic detention detainees were not effectively case managed
p rogrammes, though the majority of this comes from meta-analytic studies and primary studies of re s e a rch done abroad. In Britain, the evidence is mixed and limited. The methodological constraints of British evaluations to date have meant that often it is difficult to separate the effects of programmes from other important factors that influence off e n d i n g behaviour, for example, offenders’ motivation. These evaluations have also highlighted the difficulty in implementing offending behaviour programmes on a large scale. The evidence of the effectiveness of employment and education schemes in prisons is also mixed. There is recognition of the role of employment agencies and employers in helping to secure employment for ex-prisoners. The emerging evidence on basic skills training in prison suggests that these courses can improve prisoners’ skills but the extent to which these can be improved sufficiently to have a positive impact on employment prospects by prison training alone is still in doubt. The evaluations to date of drug treatment programmes suggest that these programmes can reduce re - o ffending. The re s e a rch also suggests that combining d rugs treatment with cognitive-behavioural interventions, particularly for less educated offenders, can increase the impact of the programme. However, the evidence makes clear that the gains made in prison can be quickly lost if there is insufficient aftercare for prisoners once they are released.
In contrast, cultural identity alone did not have a meaningful relationship with recidivism. However, whereas identity alone did not buffer recidivism directly, it may have had an indirect influence given its relation- ship with cultural engagement. It is plausible that a strong Indigenous identity enables greater cultural en- gagement which in turn lowers recidivism. Prison set- tings may engender identity salience as they are often environmentally partitioned along ethno-cultural lines. Alternatively, cultural engagement in custodial settings may have prompted both a stronger cultural identity and a lower likelihood violent recidivism. No significant interaction between cultural identity and cultural en- gagement was discovered in the prediction of violence. However sub-group analyses were warranted given that cultural identity significantly predicted cultural engage- ment. A median split across identity enabled further en- quiry into this relationship. For participants with a strong Indigenous identity, cultural engagement in cus- tody was significantly associated with non-recidivism. The effect was not significant for participants with a weak Indigenous identity although the result appeared to trend in a similar direction to participants with a strong identity. This reinforces earlier findings from this study that underscore the importance of cultural engage- ment/connection in reducing recidivism. The combin- ation of a strong Indigenous identity and engagement/ connection with culture influences the likelihood of vio- lent recidivism. For participants with a weaker cultural identity, engagement with culture may not have had a commensurate impact on future offending for several reasons. Despite ‘engaging’ with culture in custody, weaker identifiers may not have had the cultural efficacy or the perceived resources or cultural knowledge to ex- press cultural behaviors necessary for establishing a meaningful connection . A recent NATSISS survey discovered that almost 5 out of 10 Aboriginal people in non-remote areas did not identify with a tribal or clan grouping . It may be the case that the level of ‘cultural scaffolding’ that comes with a strong identity is necessary before a ‘connection’ eventuates beyond mere symbolism. Meaningfully engaging and/or connecting with Indigenous culture may have less ‘life impact’ if one knows little about their own Indigenous heritage or affords minimal importance to possessing Indigenous knowledge. Moreover, Berry contends that there are situ- ations where ‘an individual may be induced to behave superficially as an Aboriginal person without the presence of the underlying identity ’ .
2 Abstract. The objective of this study was to analyse the impact of the type of intervention on youth re-offending. Moreover, the possible influence that the offender’s gender and level of risk could have on this relation was also explored. Juvenile offenders pertaining to four different types of educational interventions participated in the study (N = 210): victim-offender mediation (VOM) as a diversion procedure, and case closure, reprimand and community service as dispositions. Aged between 14-18 years, they were assessed by means of the YLS/CMI Inventory. Recidivism rates were evaluated as the number of new records in a follow-up period of 24 months. Results of this study showed that type of intervention (diversion versus dispositions) had no apparent effect on youth recidivism. Furthermore, an important aspect to consider in youth assessment was the different impact that risk level had on boys’ and girls’ recidivism.
The Clinical Assessment will be re-administered by the clinician after completion of offence- specific programs in order to determine whether there has been an impact on dynamic risk factors. This information will also inform the ongoing evaluation of offence-specific programs. The Completion Report will include an individualised relapse prevention plan or Self Management Plan for correctional staff to manage together with the offender. The format of the Plan should be consistent for all offence-specific programs across prisons and CCS to ensure that CCOs can adequately manage offenders in the community. For prisoners, the initial Exit Plan should be reviewed 6-12 weeks prior to release to prevent problems from compounding upon release.
In interpreting the results the possibility of a ‘spontaneous improvement’ effect (or a ‘regression to the mean’) cannot be ruled out. That is, the DTTO group’s conviction rate peaked in the year before the order. This raises the possibility that the period before the orders were made may have been marked by uncharacteristically chaotic drug use. In this case, improvements in the two years following the start of the order could reflect a return to the slightly less chaotic levels of drug use and offending displayed in previous years. However the falls in offending rates for completers were dramatic – and this group shared with revokees a long history of persistent offending. The discontinuity in completers’ offending rates points to a genuine effect. Furt h e rm o re, if the ‘spontaneous improvement’ effect were applicable to the DTTO group, one might expect similar patterns to emerge for the 1A(6) group. In fact, this group’s rates appeared to worsen in the year after the order.
Studies in this group investigated whether a small community family-like environment was more effective in reducing re-offending than traditional group residential homes for offenders who were mandated by their sentence to live in some kind of supervised accommodation away from their family. The study by Eddy, Whaley, & Chamberlain (2004) evaluated the impact of the Oregon Multi- dimensional Treatment Foster Care (MTFC) model on serious and chronic male offenders. The study by Leve, Chamberlain & Reid (2005) evaluated the impact of the MTFC model on female offenders. The Youngbauer (1998) study evaluated a Teaching-Family Model of out-of-home-community placement (TFM) and reports separate results for male and female juvenile offenders. In addition to these evaluations, the analysis in the paper by Florsheim et al. (2004) also included community residential accommodation. Figure 3.6 shows the effect sizes for the different programmes for both male and female juvenile offenders. The effect sizes in both the MTFC studies (Eddy, Whaley, & Chamberlain 2004; Leve, Chamberlain, Reid (2005) favour the intervention and the confidence interval excludes no difference or harm. The TFM intervention (Youngbauer 1998)
The Local Area Agreement (LAA) structure is seen as key to the future delivery of SP bringing together partners, funding and service commissioning to the best advantage of the local community. This provides a key role for NOMS service providers within the community. In the strategy, CLG has committed to exploring the impact of the delivery of funding through the general unringfenced area based grant. In 2008/09 selected authorities – through amended grant conditions – will be offered the same freedoms that they would if their funding were paid under the same power as the general LAA grant. This will, for a time-bound period, “remove the ringfence”, with performance measured using the relevant national
Observation data are used to measure indicators of restorativeness, procedural justice, and defiance. Based on these indicators, restorative justice dimensions are evaluated against measures of recidivism (Hipple et al., 2014). The original variation analysis study used juvenile history of offending data from six and 24 month follow-up periods. Recidivism was examined at six and 24 months because earlier experimental findings indicated that the FGC generated a more significant impact in the short term (6 months), though there was still a significant impact on re- offending at 24 months (McGarrell & Hipple, 2007). The current study extends the follow-up period to up to 12 years (144 months) to assess whether these theoretically derived FGC characteristics have a long-term impact on recidivism. Recidivism was operationalized as any arrest within the 12 year follow-up period after the initial qualifying arrest.
There is a significant body of evidence that demonstrates the importance of sensitive attuned parenting on the development of the baby’s brain and in promoting secure attachment and bonding. Preventing and intervening early to address attachment and parenting issues will have an impact on the resilience and physical, mental and socio- economic outcomes of an individual in later life (62). Research has also demonstrated a clear link between later parenting practices (e.g. characterised by harsh, inconsistent discipline, little positive parental involvement with the child, and poor monitoring and supervision) and child antisocial behaviour (63). Positive, proactive parenting (e.g. involving praise, encouragement and affection) is strongly associated with high child self-esteem and social and academic competence and is protective against later disruptive behaviour and substance misuse (64, 65).
Should the research address first-crime offenders or repeated-crime offenders? This distinction was judged irrelevant, since one has to take into account that getting out of crime is a progressive process, and that the cases of one offence for which a sentence has been given is usually followed by others. Following discussions on the “target group” of this project, Peter Rossel made this necessary clarification that in this project the target group are the adults working in the various city services with young offenders, the letter being only the indirect beneficiaries. Parents should also be included in the target group, since they are supposed to have an important impact on the ex-offender behaviour. As to the nature of the crimes committed by young offenders, it was agreed that the research would concern petty crime, which represents some three quarters of the re-offending statistics.
factors beyond psychiatric diagnoses, such as compliance with medication , social support, service provision, specific symptoms , different types of substance abuse (including alcohol compared with other illegal drugs), subthreshold substance abuse problems (such as binge drinking) and personality traits  which may be of par- ticular relevance to offenders with mental illnesses. The lack of information on service provision for the sample and engagement with these services is another limitation, and future research could explore its potential impact. Diagnoses in this report were made by specialist psychia- trists using internationally-based standardised criteria, and the validity of forensic assessments is reported to be moderate to high compared with inpatient diagnostic assessments , but this meant that information on per- sonality traits was lacking and no information on inter- rater reliability was available. The present report is based on routinely collected data, and although using structured instruments would improve the diagnostic validity of the investigation, this would likely limit the numbers that could be recruited in any such follow-up study.
Our findings concerning supervision are also consistent with past research (Ellis & Marshall, 2000; Kuziemko, 2012; Ostermann, 2013, 2015; Ostermann & Hyatt, 2014; Wan, Poynton, van Doorn, & Weatherburn, 2014). Unfortunately, we cannot say whether the differences in re-offending rates between SPA and court-ordered parolees arise because SPA is better equipped to gauge risk of re-offending than a sentencing court, that SPA- released parolees are subject to more stringent parole conditions or because offenders whose release date is determined by SPA make more of an effort to engage in rehabilitation programs (or is a combination of all factors). The level of supervision required to be administered under parole is determined by the LSI-R risk score calculated as close as possible to the parole release date. Given the LSI-R was appropriately balanced between court- and SPA-released parolees after matching, it therefore may be interpreted that the supervision intensity between the two groups was similar. However, SPA-released parolees have stricter conditions placed upon them whilst under parole, which may impact on their recidivism rate differently to court- based parolees. The fact that there is no difference in rates of re-offending between those on court-ordered parole and those on SPA parole when both are under parole supervision suggests that parole conditions do not affect recidivism but it does not help resolve the other two issues. It may be that the in-prison experiences of SPA parolees may have contributed to a permanent change in their risk of re-offending but that this fact is obscured when both groups are under supervision. But it may equally be that SPA’s ability to pick “winners” (i.e. lower risk offenders) does not become apparent until supervision ceases. Our study was limited to offenders who served a minimum of 18 months and a maximum of 36 months in prison and had a maximum of two prior prison sentences, in order to allow for a carefully matched direct comparison of court- and Board-ordered parolees. Because of these restrictions, the conclusions drawn from this analysis may not necessarily generalise to all offenders released to parole in the timeframe of interest. Nevertheless, future research should aim to pin down the mechanism that accounts for lower rates of re-offending among SPA parolees than among court-ordered parolees. This is not likely to prove
Secondly, I would like to acknowledge and thank my two supervisors, Professor Elena Marchetti and Professor Stuart Thomas, for their unwavering support throughout my entire PhD journey. The impact that having two such kind individuals supporting and guiding me throughout this research process cannot be understated. It has been fantastic working with such a cohesive supervisory team and knowing that both were fully committed to this project and its aims. Elena, I am extremely fortunate that you agreed to be my primary supervisor and I do not think this project would have reached nearly the same level of depth without your expertise and strong ethical understanding of Indigenous-focused research. Thank you for always taking the time to give me in-depth feedback and pushing me to become a better researcher and writer. Stuart, thank you for being such a valuable secondary supervisor throughout this entire process, your kind words of encouragement and support have been extremely appreciated. Your valuable contributions to the methodological aspects of this research have also played a crucial role in developing this research and its findings.
The evidence shows that these factors can have a huge impact on the likelihood of a prisoner re-offending. For example, being in employment reduces the risk of re-offending by between a third and a half; having stable accommodation reduces the risk by a fifth.
The challenge of turning a convicted offender away from crime is often considerable. Many prisoners have poor skills and little experience of employment, few positive social networks, severe housing problems, and all of this is often severely complicated by drug, alcohol and mental health problems.
In order to address these questions we need some way to approximate the information that market participants have about the existence and size of potential iceberg orders. The immediate automatic display of a new peak after the currently displayed peak is executed creates a distinct pattern in the order book updates that is observable to any market par- ticipant who monitors the order book closely. A market participant who detects an iceberg order cannot determine the iceberg order’s size although its peak size may provide a signal. But as peaks are executed and new ones are displayed the participant can form more precise forecasts of the order’s original size. Rather than disclose the information about the order size right away the iceberg order sequentially reveals more information as peaks are executed. Building on these observations, we develop an algorithm for detecting iceberg orders that uses publicly available information on the order book and price dynamics. Conditional on a signal of detection, we use the observed peak size and the number of executed peaks to dynamically predict the hidden volume. We combine the detection algorithm’s signals of icebergs with our actual iceberg observations to isolate the iceberg order’s impact on the behavior of market participants from other factors that may influence the propensity to submit iceberg orders. Our sample exhibits a lot of variation in the peak sizes, the number of submitted peaks, and the number of executed peaks which implies that our methodology generates independent variation in the executed iceberg volume and the predicted hidden volume.
Re-flowable document structure carries precious semantic information, which plays an important role in document understanding. For example, It is more easily to a computer automatically extracts the outline of a document if the computer knows the structure of the document. The document logical components represent the semantic information of a document paragraph, such as abstract, first-level heading. The method of document structural reconstruction is aim to analyze the hierarchical relationship of logical components of document. However, because of the complexity of the re-flowable document typesetting format, most of the re-flowable documents have a certain error, such as the heading style is not normal or the figure has no caption, these errors will cause the document components missing, redundancy and so on, the precious document structural reconstruction methods which have no fault-tolerate can’t process the above problem, and will get the wrong document structure. So an efficient fault-tolerant method is important to document structural reconstruction.
There is a large body of research that shows that children can learn behaviour through observation and that their willingness to imitate these behaviours is affected by the observed consequences of a model’s actions. However, there is a substantial difference between children hitting a bobo doll in a lab and people committing criminal offences in the real world. Social learning theorists have largely neglected naturalistic research (Blackburn, 1993) and this means we should be cautious about assuming that the processes demonstrated in the laboratory apply in the same way outside it. In the absence of evidence that criminality is 100% genetic it is fairly obvious that learning plays a role in offending. But SLT has little to say about the conditions under which violence and criminality are learned. It also
Exchanges nowadays get virtually zero percent of retail orders, and virtually all marketable orders from retail brokerages (Schwab, e-trade, Scottrade, etc.) are filled off- exchange by market makers. The orders that remain on the exchange are non-marketable limit orders that are likely to have been submitted by sophisticated traders. Although hidden orders lose execution priority compared with displayed orders at a given price, the invisibility feature of such orders can be incorporated into sophisticated trading strategies. The Wall Street Journal reports that high-frequency traders sometimes use a special type of order known as “Hide Not Slide” to step in front of ordinary investors when buying and selling stocks. These maneuvers are executed in a fraction of second 6 . More specifically, there exists an algorithmic trading strategy