However, a major flaw in ISA is that it only constrains investments in Iran, not trade with Iran, and therefore many transactions which are the main target of ISA’s policy remain unscathed. Thus, ISA would appear not to be very effective. However, in 2008 the Iranian deputy Oil Minister said that Iran needed approximately 145 billion USD in new investment over the next 10 years in order to maintain its thriving energy sector (Katzman, 2010). ISA is party responsible for a lack of investments in Iran. Additionally, in regards to the United States’ non-proliferation sanctions against Iran it utilizes the measure of targeting Russia for assisting Iran with its nuclear and ballistic missiles programs (Katzman, 2010). The United States has withheld 60% of any United States assistance to Russia unless it terminated the program (Katzman, 2010). It makes sense that the United States seeks these types of measures, since nuclear help to Iran will not come from the United States nor from the European Union. Iran will look at other partners for this type of assistance. The United States in return tries to isolate Iran by sanctioning any state that is willing to help Iran.
Russia has responded aggressively on several fronts based on Vladimir Putin’s apparent belief that Russia is being denied the regional and global influence it deserves. Since coming to power, he has turned to hard-edged nationalism and bellicose rhetoric, initiated a major rearmament program, created an Arctic Command, revised war fighting doctrine to integrate conventional, nuclear and “hybrid” tactics including cyberattacks, extended Russian territory into Crimea and parts of Ukraine, improved relations with Turkey, and prevented the extension of NATO into Ukraine and Georgia. Further indicators are joint military exercises with China, suspicion of widesprea hacking, occasional disruptions of civil aviation and buzzing of NATO warships and planes, and escalated submarine patrols that some believe threatens a resumption of the Cold War. The main objective appears to be to weaken Western democratic institutions and alliances (Aron, 2017). Sanctions are unlikely to change Mr. Putin’s strategy and may drive it in even more risky directions. All this points to difficulties in developing a peaceful relationship with Russia despite his leaving the door open to cooperation on a few fronts such as antiterrorism, arms control, and nuclear nonproliferation.
Both men admit that the substance of their proposal is unoriginal. It has five main points, which are spelled out on a single page document. First, there should be two states: Israel for the Jewish people and Palestine for the Palestinian people. Second, the borders of these states should be based on the borders as they existed prior to the Six Day War in 1967, with any modifications to be determined on an equitable one-to-one exchange of territory on the basis of security, territorial contiguity, and demographic considerations. Third, the city of Jerusalem should be an open city and the capital of each of the two states, with Arab neighborhoods under Palestinian sovereignty, Jewish neighborhoods under Israeli sovereignty, and the religious cites in the Old City under international supervision. Fourth, the right of the Palestinians to return should be recognized only as to the State of Palestine. Finally, the State of Palestine should be demilitarized, with its security guaranteed by the international community. Upon realization of these principles, both sides would agree to release all claims against the other and end hostilities.
Another issue that was brought to Secretary Baker’s attention was the issue of Jewish settlement construction in the occupied territories. When the Israelis captured the West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights in the 1967 War, many Jewish settlements were constructed within these territories, much to the disapproval of the international community. In response, the U.N. Security Council passed resolution 446 on March 22, 1979, which states that settlement construction in the Palestinian and Arab territories “have no legal validity.” 71 Israeli justification for establishing settlements in the occupied territories was to create what is known as ‘facts on the ground’. This practice would make it difficult for Palestinians to force Israel to relinquish land during any future peace deal due to the enormous effort in removing large population areas. The Palestinian negotiators made it clear that they were wary of entering into direct talks with the Israelis as long as settlement construction continued. 72 Secretary Baker, in response to the settlement issue, promised that the peace process would bring an end to
against the Guatemalan state and the government representing it. This was not an out of the blue, on the contrary the agrarian reforms and anti-communist act that were implemented during the 1940’s planted the seed of what was to erupt into a full blown internal conflict (Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histórico 1999, 101). It is fair to assume that the conflict has its origins in past colonial tensions that had never been resolved, but that on the contrary were worsened by Internal Colonization by the state led institutions, marginalizing as well as excluding the indigenous population. This was worsened by the socio-economic marginalization of another part of the population during the 40’s and 50’s, the emerging conflict between opportunity deprived citizens and all powerful corporation accompanied by lack of negotiations between the state and its subject inevitable led to conflict (Ibid, 82 to 94). The emergence of the civil war was mainly due to the nature of the Guatemalan state, which was an oligarchic and exclusionary state. The state promoted patterns and structures of class, social and ethnic exclusions which had historically been present since colonial times, these structures eventually got challenged through the means of the Civil War (Brett 2016, 33). However as recorded during interview with the informants for this study, some have voice concerns and even certainty that the Guatemalan society was still being divided by such exclusions in 2018 1 .
explanation for the comparative lack of large-scale post- conflict violence. As factors, low return rates, the fear of going back, and the subsequent tendency to sell former property rather than return to it created a situation where overt physical violence was only seldom needed to enforce and maintain the ethnic segregation vied for by some during the war. Even those who did return faced a tough choice: to live life under constant threat and usually in poverty and isolation or to attempt a new life elsewhere. Many opted for the second option. In a very powerful sense, therefore, the ethnic cleansing continued into the post-conflict
The primary objective of this research is to analyze those peace treaties that the U.S. has so far signed or mediated, and to explore the possibilities of a peace treaty between the U.S. and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (“DPRK”). Once concluded, the U.S.-DPRK peace treaty will be a firm and initial base of a peace regime in the Korean peninsula— one of the most critical, risky, and sensitive regions in the world. This paper is com- posed of five parts including a short Introduction and a Conclusion. Part two will analyze the peace treaties that the U.S. has so far signed. This part is divided into three sub-sections in accordance to the periodical evolution of history: (1) New Nation Building (1783– 1848); (2) Hegemonic Expan- sion (1858– 1921); and (3) Restructuring the Postwar World Order (1947– 1990). Part three will investigate the peace treaties that the U.S. mediated in influential regions of the world like the Far East, Middle East, and Northern Ireland. Part four will discuss the legal, political, and opera- tional matters for the expected US-DPRK peace treaty. This research will also suggest policy options for the Trump administration for peace in Northeast Asia.
Peace is a state of well being that is characterized by trust, compassion and justice. In this state, we can be encouraged to explore as well as celebrate our diversity, and search for the good in each other without the concern for personal pain and sacrifice. It provides a chance to look at ourselves and others as part of the human family, part of one world. .In India situation is more crucial than any country of the world. Present situation of India shows that there is chaos in India and every person is worries about survival. Now first of all Indians require education and that is too which will develop peace and harmony in India. Peace education is an essential component of quality basic education. Peace education as the process of promoting the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values needed to bring about behavior changes that will enable children, youth and adults to prevent conflict and violence both overt and structural; to resolve conflict peacefully; and to create the conditions conducive to peace, whether at an interpersonal, intergroup, national or international level. Men are born for love and friendship and not hatred and war….It is the task of education, to create in us a love for the new world of peace and fellowship.” In peace education religion can play major role because every religion of the world- Sikhism, Christianity, Buddhism, Islam, Jainism, has similar ideals of love, the same goal of benefiting humanity through spiritual practice and the same effect of making followers into better human beings. Value education is must for world peace as well as peace in India. The study of literature is important for world peace because it moulds our human behaviors and redirects our paths to the eternal truth. Thus studying literature makes the world a better place. The literature which spreads casteism, religious riots, dirt,violence, inequality, injustice, slavery should not be taught to the students. An un peaceful teacher cannot teach peace , because his behavior contradicts what he teaches. But in India there is political democracy rather than social democracy which is based upon the principles of equality, justice, freedom and fraternity. Unless political democracy is not converted into social democracy, peace and harmony in India is impossible.
a preference for collaboration with all EU member states rather than partnerships such as the Franco-German alliance. Similarly, they appear to oppose a division between “core” and “peripheral” EU countries. In fact, one of the most striking differences between millennials and other Germans is how little importance they attribute to the relationship with France. While 53% of Germans see France as their country’s most important partner in foreign policy, only 31% of those aged between 18 and 29 hold this view. This is surprising given the election of Macron, who is popular in Germany, including among the young. At the same time, more than one-third of young Germans could not identify Germany’s most important partner in foreign policy, pointing to a general sense of uncertainty.
For Moslem community in Indonesia,Eid El Fitrihas its own specific uniqueness, as in addition to a religious day celebration, it becomes a tradition where it is always accompanied with mudik and balik activity (people trip to and from their homeland). These activities are happened during the national holiday, and the land transportation routes have brought the traffic jam, with high traffic accidental rates, mainly in Java island. People desire that during the lebaran, they could enjoy the smooth trip, both during their departure and arrival to their place of origin. Public considers that the lebaran security operationis still not effective due to traffic jams, while the police considers that their lebaran servicesprovided are successfully implemented year by year. These gap perceptions between public and police on the success of lebaran security operationby the police are necessary to be deeper reviewed under a performance evaluation.
In North America and Europe, technological change (Acemoglu, 2002) has also influenced social stratification: the use of new technologies has expanded the gap between those people who are able to use them and those who are not. “Computerisation” has led to the inevitable deterioration of routine workers‟ average remuneration. A large part of the middle class has had to bear the brunt of it: their work requires routine brain power, which has been already replaced or is now being replaced. Instead of labor, the greatest beneficiaries of the digital age have been shareholders. According to a recent estimate in the USA, the three leading companies of Silicon Valley employed some 137,000 workers in 2014 with a combined market capitalization of $1.09 trillion.4. By contrast, in 1990 the three largest companies in Detroit had a market capitalization of $36 billion while collectively employing about 1.2 million workers. 2. Tug of warbetween apocalyptic and integrated views.
It is generally well established now that Nigeria, like most African countries, does not engage in hard planning. There is a yawning gap between expression of aspiration and accomplishment. As already reported, Nigeria‟s First National Development Plan, 1962-1968 had no manpower implications content, (presumably given the date of inauguration of NMB in 1962). But the manpower implications of the plan that was subsequently prepared by NMB was not used for revision. The gap created has persisted and recurs consistently. Although, the Federal Government of Nigeria has formally acknowledged „manpower as a necessary basis for planning all other sectors of social and economic development‟ (Yesufu, 1969), that is yet to be implemented. Development plan without explicit manpower component implications is incomplete and cannot promote transformation and human development. The current development paradox being experienced is the obvious outcome. Economic growth (average 4.8 percent annually during 2011-2015) has failed to translate to the well-being of the generality of Nigerians. The deepening prevalence of poverty expresses this challenge (see table 1).Although the incidence of poverty has nationally declined from 49.7 percent in 2006 to 33 percent in 2016, many states still maintain more than 50 percent poverty rate between the two periods.