Secondly, YenFu was concerned with the issue of the faith’ of the people. Ironically, the concern that the people’s faith might be undermined by introducing Western ideas and systems was one of the most important reasons for the reluctance of traditional conservatives in the late nineteenth century to undertake reforms. Conservatives usually argued that it was the people’s faith, rather than advanced technology, which made a nation strong and prosperous. When YenFu introduced utilitarianism, his main target was this kind of thinking. By asserting utilitarian principles, he subjected all traditional ideas and institutions to the principle of utility. Yet, YenFu never completely rejected the notion that the existence of a shared faith among the people was a necessary condition for the very existence of a nation. Particularly in his later years. YenFu raised again and again the issue of the people’s faith. He argued that a society could not exist without a shared value s y s t e m . L i k e a nucleus for an atom, shared values for a nation are a condensation point’. A system of shared values was called by him the spirit of a nation’."^ The spirit of a nation’, he wrote, is the foundation of the existence and development of a nation. Different nations have different national spirits due to different cultural traditions (ch'iao-hua). These cultural traditions have developed for several thousand years before they reached maturity. If a nation is able to preserve her national spirit, she will not perish even if she is subject to the control of other nations.’’^"* In comparison, if a nation cannot preserve her national spirit, she is bound to perish. YenFu quoted a famous phrase from Chuang Tzu to express his belief: 'Nothing is more sad than the death of
Unlike the explicitly textualist New Critics, intellectual biographers associate a variety of texts, e.g. books, manuscripts, letters and other personal documents, around the figure of an author, and place this figure in a variety o f personal, social and political contexts. This looks like the sort o f enterprise which would meet Skinner's criteria for a proper history. Similarly, histories o f ideas necessarily group texts by a variety of authors, rather than taking an individual text in isolation, so once again it is hard to see how they might be thought o f as 'textualist' in the requisite sense. A. O. Lovejoy is repeatedly censured by Skinner, but he explicitly criticised the idea that a work o f art should be considered as a 'self contained kind of thing', calling it a 'psychological absurdity'.49 His 'unit ideas' are in fact complexes, and in the case of the Great Chain of Being, this complex comprises 'plenitude', 'continuity' and 'linear gradation'. The history of the Great Chain of Being is the history of the way different authors combined these ideas, not only with each other but also with other ideas.50 Nonetheless, it is clear that Skinner thinks that 'textualism' must fail because to confine one's investigations to a single text will most likely prevent one from correctly identifying the arguments contained in it. These derive their identity from their use by particular authors, in particular contexts, with particular intentions. It is the author's intentions which constitute the identity of the arguments concerned, arguments which will be misidentified if we do not concern ourselves with these intentions.
Skinner's chief argument countering the general, if not unanimous, opinion of previous scholarship is that the Tractarians were genuinely concerned with the social questions confronting early Victorian England. In general historians, myself included, have concentrated on Tractarian theology and ecclesiology. Skinner persuasively insists that there was a real social dimension to the Tractarian body of thought and that much of it flowed directly from their theology and ecclesiology. He carefully notes the social settings in which the various Tractarian writers, almost all of whom were clergy, operated. Wherever their careers took them they found themselves confronting the poverty and social insecurity that touched so much of the English
The postmodern interpretation of the political is primarily shaped by the rejection of what Lyotard termed ‘metanarratives’ - of all attempts, that is, to legitimate social and political relationships by presenting them as natural, rationally grounded or inevitable. The reverse side of this deconstructive scepticism is a sense of the contingency of all identity and all social and political relationships which is shared by agonal theorists like Connolly, as already noted. In the case of postmodern thinkers, however, the impression has often arisen that they are ultimately inspired by a purely negative ideal of deconstruction that regards all social relations as merely masks for power and domination. It is to the credit of the American philosopher, Richard Rorty that he sought to combine sympathy for the anti-rationalist and anti-foundationalist aspects of postmodern philosophy with a more positive formulation of the political implications of postmodern philosophy by focusing on what he regards as the two most fundamental features of the political for postmodern theory.
numerous instances when Christ stressed the significance and worth of the individual soul.... And yet, in some respects, the doctrine of human equality, the conception of the individual as an end in himself and not a means to the well-being of others, has tended at times to overshadow the significance of our obligations to and mutual dependence upon our fellows, and to lend support to a philosophy depicting men as a number of detached and competing individuals."(57) Bland saw the institution of law as an attempt to relieve this tension: "Actually, a working principle for reconciling individual and social duties was suggested at the very beginning of biblical history in the exclamation of Cain: 'Am I my brother's keeper?' The world has ever inclined like Cain to disavow trusteeship, but it has been necessary to regulate human relationships. To this end were laws made, and the 'rule of law' is of the foundation of English life. Law is simply an attempt to secure the frictionless working of social relations."(58)
It is well known that Hobbes’s social contract theory conceives of the constitution of the state in terms of a transfer of right, whereby everyone is supposed to submit their strength and resources to a number of people. In doing so, they “appoint one man or assembly of men to bear their person, and every one to own and acknowledge himself to be author of whatsoever he that so beareth their person shall act, or cause to be acted,” as Hobbes puts it in Leviathan. 25 The artificial personality of the state, and to what extent it is distinct from the person of the sovereign, has been much debated.
(Q1) IX. From this Signification of Right arose another of larger Extent. For by reason that Man above all other Creatures is endued not only with this Social Faculty of which we have spoken, but likewise with Judgment to discern Things 1 pleasant or hurtful, and those not only present but future, and such as may prove to be so in their Consequences; it must therefore be agreeable to human Nature, that according to the Measure of our Understanding we should in these Things follow the Dictates of a right and sound Judgment, and not be corrupted either by Fear, or the Allurements of present Pleasure, nor be carried away vio- lently by blind Passion. And whatsoever is contrary to such a Judgment 2 is likewise understood to be contrary to Natural Right, that is, the Laws of our Na- ture .
contributors. Thomas C. Jones’ wide-ranging survey of French republicanism between 1848 and the fall of the Second Empire captures a worldview with imposing authority; it is neatly complemented by Anne- Sophie Chambost’s piece on French socialist ideas about direct democracy over the same period. Georgios Varouxakis critiques the idea that mid-century British commentators understood the revolutions through the prism of the idea of ‘nationality’, focusing mainly on prominent liberal commentators. Samuel Hayat’s chapter is unique within the book in focusing not on the educated, articulate middle and upper classes, but instead on socialist ideas among the ‘working classes’, which is to say among organised workers. Stedman Jones’ closing chapter interprets the place of ‘class’ language in mid-century Britain and France: it is a fascinating essay, but it operates at such a high level that the ‘language’ element sometimes gets lost. Finally here there is Jonathan Parry’s superb chapter on mid-century British Christian Socialist thought, which tracks the mechanisms by which a particular set of ideas, shaped partly in response to 1848, came to inform the politics of a group of British Liberal politicians between the 1850s and the 1870s.
Mill’s opposition to the dominance of the commercial aspect was based on his more fundamental belief in the utility of Vielseitigkeit and his opposition to one-sided interpretations. In Mill’s opinion, many ways led to civilisation. The English orientation towards practicality and prosperity could for example benefit from the French, who appreciated intellect much more (certainly in the middle and lower classes), and who were more broad-minded towards the general and the abstract, leaving more room to enjoy life. Arnold, too, opposes the overly one-sided ‘business is civilisation’ proposition. He admitted to admiring the sense of equality in all social classes, as well as the relative refinement of the French farmers and labourers, without ignoring the shortcomings on the French side. Both Mill and Arnold were devoted to effecting a more nuanced comparison between the two civilisations. According to them, the objective knowledge gained in this way could improve one’s own sense of what civilisation is. Their opponents, however, saw a eulogy of France and reproaches of anti-patriotism quickly followed.
In the 19 th century, like many other non-western countries, Iran had a chance of entering the age of modernization. Many internal and external factors had facilitated this change and development. Newspapers, especially those, which published on exile, had much effect on the changing process. The Qanun newspaper, in many respects, had the utmost influence on the Iranian society due to its clear and frank language and also the extensive modern ideas and thoughts that were elaborated cleverly in this newspaper. The modern and Western ideologies were handled in such a way to build up the mind of the people toward the new meanings of social and political concepts that were in most cases different to how these concepts were understood by the society. In this paper the injection of modern ideas did not follow a blind line, however, it had a systematic discipline that showed the ability of Malkum Khan, the founder of Qanun, to project modern ideas in traditional society such as Iran. Qanun has actually played a vital role in the process of modernization of social and political thoughts in the contemporary history of Iran and its impact is still felt in the current everyday life of the Iranian who has much yet to achieve in ongoing process of modernization especially in the age of globalization.
based on a theory, but since it is present in the do- main of investigation, it acts as the cornerstone of a theory whose identification is not possible (Taba- tabaee, Op, Cit: 589). It can be said that investiga- tion in the humanistic fundamentals in the politicalthought of Machiavelli, plays an important role in understanding his ideas. For him, since human beings are subject to ego, and is instinctively sel- fish and ambitious, as a result any relation and in- teraction between them is based on acquiring profit and repelling damage. Centrality and nobility of individuals‟ passions and their disobedience from the ethical and religious obligations and their doubt about their instinctive preference and their doubts about their instructive preference, and principally doubt in calling them virtues lead to a new ap- proach which is contrary to the old thinking and in contradiction with it. In explaining the idea of Machiavelli, it should be stated that “the most im- portant motivation for everybody in his life, is his wishes, and these wishes, contrary to the ideas of the ancients who consider them as the outcomes of passions and the causes of ethical corruption, and, in fact, ethics and politics of the ancients did not have any objective except egotism, in Machiavel- li‟s political thinking, it is a natural issue (Ibid: 496). Exploration of disputes, tension, friendship and generally, any social relations, and any inter- state ones, with the help of explanation of instinc- tive characteristics of individuals who are, as was mentioned before, ambitious and selfish, can help illustrating the definition and elaboration of the politics in the new era.
Koran and interpretation of hadith from valid to dla’if (doubtful), with exception for the maudlu ’using Prophet Muhammad‟s standard is the closer option. And standardization of the five Islamic principles (syahadat, shalat, fasting, zakat, and hajj 20 ) and the like, will be through accommodation and participation of various Islamic social organizations and other Islamic segments. Some of the points above can be formulated into judicial draft to be promulgated later through legislation process in the parliament in order for it to fit as reference in national scope. Thus, prolonged controversy between groups who are pro-human rights and Moslems who fearthe pollution of aqidah and syariat in their faith can be terminated, and at the same time saving the people and the nation from ideogical convultion that deteriorates politics and physic as reflected in conflicts between organizations like FPI and AKKB in Monas, and several other religious violence in some regions. So what protected is not only human rights of the minority group such as Ahmadiyah for instance, but also the rights of the people generally in this country. Before legality issue is done, the criteria of religiousness must be achieved through long process of religious debate among followers of Islam including involvement from minority group such as Ahmadiyah.
this (wealth) may not circulate solely among the rich from among you" (35). In spite of its importance, zrairat, as a devotional and social obligation, is limited in effect and cannot alone lead to social justice(36). Since zakat is the minimum religious obligation on wealth, it is the task of the government to pass any taxation law it deems necessary to attain the general welfare in the realm of al-Masalih al
As we saw in Chapter One the refusal to insulate matters of principle from the exigencies of practice has a long history in Williams’s ethical thought (and is more generally part and parcel of his general characterisation of philosophy as a humanistic discipline). It is present in his earliest paper on political philosophy, ‘The Idea of Equality’, despite predating his later realist turn by around four decades. In this paper Williams distinguishes between two core principles of egalitarian thought – equality of respect and equality of opportunity – and emphasises the ways in which the pursuit of one is likely to engender a loss of the other. The pursuit of equality of opportunity will destroy a certain sense of common humanity which is itself a precondition of equality of respect, because ‘there are deep psychological and social obstacles’ to the idea that there could be a society in which equality of opportunity was the sole criterion of the distribution of goods and this did not have the effect of encouraging contempt and condescension’ (IBWD, p. 113). Yet Williams revealingly notes that it would also be wrong to focus on equality of respect alone, because ‘an ideal of equality of respect that made no contact with such things as the economic needs of society for certain skills, and human desire for some sorts of prestige, would be condemned to a futile Utopianism, and to having no rational effect on the distribution of goods, position and power that would inevitably proceed’ (IBWD, p. 114). He insists that we must recognise such practical constraints and that although we may find this uncomfortable, ‘the discomfort is just that of genuine politicalthought’ (IBWD, p. 114). Thus, just as his work in ethics seeks to make sense of ethical life as it is
Legitimacy is always considered an important concept among basic topics of political science; since it has been already posed as the prerequisite of acceptability for exercising of power in the societies through history. Accordingly, all of the political philosophies made efforts to establish an intellectual apparatus that enforces the fundamentals of governance, dealt to some extent with the issue of “Legitimacy” and included it in the core of arguments. In general, legitimacy would be defined as being legal or to be based on the law; but it refers not only to legality of government from the legislative respect, but also to social acceptability of it by citizens. In this article, we try to study and investigate the political legitimacy in the Shia politicalthought, par- ticularly with focus on views of Imam Khomeini (RA) as the founder and former leader of Is- lamic Republic of Iran.
they call “artificial authority” from the internal authority or “natural authority” that they claim constitutes the essence of humanity (Newman 2007, 38). Natural authority is embodied in what Bakunin describes as “natural laws”. Bakunin argues that natural laws “are not extrinsic in relation to us, they are inherent in us, they constitute our nature, our whole being physically, intellectually and morally” (G.P. Maximoff, 1953).” Bakunin’s notion of “natural law” complements the anarchist assumptions that suggests “that human beings have a nature or essence; and, second, that that essence is good or benign, in the sense that it possesses the characteristics that enable one to live justly with others in society” (May, 63, 1994). In The Political Philosophy of Poststructuralist Anarchism (1994) Todd May discusses the anarchist claim that there is a natural human essence by referring to arguments expressed in Mutual Aid, the seminal anarchist text published in 1902, authored by Russian philosopher, Peter Kropotkin. According to May, Mutual Aid, a significant work in collective anarchist philosophy, “is a reply to Darwin which attempts to show that cooperation among humans and other animals in an effort to further their family, neighbors, and at times species is as much a motive force of action as competition for survival” (May, 62, 1994). As Kropotkin writes: “Sociability and the need of mutual aid and support are such inherent parts of human nature that at no time of history can we discover men living in small isolated families, fighting each other for the means of subsistence” (Kropotkin quoted in May 1994, 62).
Joseph Canning's preface acknowledges a debt to his research supervisor Walter Ullmann, whose Penguin History of PoliticalThought: the Middle Ages, published in 1965 (revised edition 1970) has remained a standard introduction for anglophone readers. A new short guide is timely, and the ex-student's will bid fair to replace the master's. Like Ullmann's, this book is admirably clear in presentation and exposition. It judiciously summarises a good deal of the research done over the past thirty years, and has an up-to-date bibliography, including much in Germ. an. Specialists will be grateful too for end-note citations of texts in the original Latin. The book's division into four well-defined chronological chapters of virtually equal length provides a solid structure: the first chapter goes from Late Antiquity to the eighth century; the second covers the Carolingian and post-Carolingian periods; the third opens with a clear account of the Investiture Contest and traces church-state conflicts through the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as well as discussing the impact on political ideas of 'the revived legacy of antiquity' in law and philosophy; the fourth pursues church-state conflicts, and also conflict within the church, in the late Middle Ages, specifically through their exposition in the writings of jurists. Lines of substantial continuity are picked out and followed up consistently. Thus ten lucid pages in Chapter 1 on the Code of Justinian provide a reference-point for the discussion in Chapters 3 and 4 of the revived study and application of the Code in the central and later Middle Ages; and evolving ideas of papal government are dealt with successively in all four chapters. This is, in one important sense, to go with the grain of the subject: ideas do have a life of their own, as one writer copies, modifies and refines another's work, takes up the old terminological tools, while putting them to new uses.
general rejection of absolute monarchical perception of power and truth and citizens began to advocate for better treatment ‘as rational beings, capable of making independent judgements on social issues and developing their own individual senses of truth’ (Ocitti, 1999 p 8). The period also marked the emergence of a powerful middle class, especially in England, as commerce expanded rapidly at the growth of industries. The libertarian atmosphere was kindled by the voices of philosophers like John Milton, John Locke and John Stuart Mill who argued for intellectual freedom and the open marketplace of ideas. This was a time for a social rebirth underpinned by the notions of freedom of thought and opinions as the cornerstone of the emerging change. In relation to the media, libertarians viewed the media not as an instrument of government, but rather as a device for presenting evidence and arguments on the basis of which the people could check on government and make up their minds as to policy (Ocitti, 1999 p 9). The libertarian theorists argued that the press should stay completely free of government control and influence and that any individual with the economic means to own a press should be allowed to do so. Ocitti (1999) adds that the notion of “truth” was to be left to the free marketplace of ideas, rather than government interpretation, as advocated by authoritarian theorists. The libertarian theory presents the world with the first idea of an “alternative media”, especially from the monopoly of monarchical and church-led government of the Renaissance and Enlightenment eras. According to Denis McQuail (1994), an interpretation of this movement toward alternative media narrative, is that “the nearest approximation to truth will emerge from the competitive exposure of alternative viewpoints, and progress for society will depend on the choice of 'right' over 'wrong' solutions”. This means that the media was to be allowed as much freedom as practically possible, so as to promote political debate and encourage a multiplicity of viewpoints on social issues, as a way of presenting the truth to the public (Ocitti, 1999 p 9).