Lack of regulatory capabilities at the time of privatization coupled with a desire to maximize price at the time of the sale has led several governments to postpone full and clear re- regulation. Trying to establish an adequate regulatory scheme after privatization may be problematic from a political economy perspective. Since the agency in charge of enforcing and regulating the contracts is often the same or a subordinated entity to the agency that carried out the privatization, there is an incentive for lax enforcement to avoid exposing past mistakes. Chong and Sánchez (2003) document that for a broad number of concessions in infrastructure projects, the private sector was able to bargain and keep protective regulation after privatization because of the threat of bankruptcy, withdrawal, or desertion of future investment commitments. All of these impact the reputation and credibility of privatizing politicians. According to the evidence in Guasch (2001), in the last 15 years, concession contracts in developing countries have often led to renegotiations. In LatinAmerica and the Caribbean, 40 percent of all concession contracts were renegotiated just over 2.2 years after they were signed. Engel et al. (2003) argue that opportunistic renegotiations of concessions are common because of a “privatize now, regulate later” approach. Cost overruns in concessions and unclear rules governing contingencies provide private owners with the opportunity to extract economic rents from the government. Finally, attempting to substantially alter the regulatory framework after the sale may also prove difficult as new constituencies against re-regulation are created at the time of privatization. Shareholders and managers of privatized SOEs are joined by workers and even consumers who could benefit from the protective regulatory status of firms.
Given the scale of the privatization wave, evaluating this process has become an important challenge both for practitioners and scholars. Actually, a number of researchers have already undertaken this diﬃcult task focusing on several important aspects of the process, including its macroeconomic impact, firm- and sector-level eﬃciency, employment, specific social outcomes like health, income distribution, poverty and welfare. 4 To date, most studies found neutral to positive eﬀects, with the possible exception of specific cases of price increase and layoﬀs in privatized firms. However, in recent years, opinion surveys from LatinAmerica have revealed a profound and growing dissatisfaction with privatization, a situation that has already created a backlash against this policy, including popular protests, riots and governments in some countries making or being elected on pledges for a return to state-provided public services. 5 Understanding this contrast between the generally positive economic evaluations and the striking evolution of negative public opinions on the privatization process therefore constitutes quite of a challenge both for policy-makers and researchers.
The explosive social conditions of this area may, however, generate an abrupt turn toward popular rebellion, especially in the countries that that are recover- ing from the terrible legacy of the 1980s massacres. Since the signing of the peace agreements in 2006 there has been a great movement for justice and pun- ishment of the oppressors of the massacres committed in the past in Guatemala. Another type of resistance is erupting in the places most affected by the aggres- sion of the ultra-neoliberal presidents. For example, in Panama in 2012 there was a massive uprising against the privatization of land in Colón. The key battle of Central America is being waged in Honduras, where a vast resistance movement has eroded the power of the coup supporters. Heroically confront- ing the assassinations, persecutions, and intimidations of a criminal regime managed by the Yankee embassy, the people, though unable to break the con- tinuity imposed by the right through fraudulent elections, managed to estab- lish a pole of opposition of enormous magnitude. The contagion of Venezuela has been crucial in Honduras and influences all of Central America and the Caribbean. Venezuela acts as a nexus between the most vanguard grassroots actions of the South and the most reserved of the North. The transmission of experiences from one region to another is increasing, together with a growing popular perception of a common Latin American identity.
and the institutions of the Andean integration scheme. The dispute became so heated that threats were made by both sides regarding Peru’s possible departure from the Andean Community. Both sides eventually softened their stances, however, and this, together with a gradual erosion of the power of the Community’s institutions, kept Peru within the integration scheme, albeit under special rules, particularly in respect of the common external tariff. • Bolivia, Colombia and Venezuela also launched economic reform plans which, although less radical than the Peruvian programme, included the privatization of some major public enterprises. The Bolivian authorities put in place an innovative programme, known as the Capitalization Plan (see box II.1), to transfer the country’s largest public firms to the private sector. This mechanism provided a number of Bolivia’s flagship enterprises with fresh resources to finance ambitious investment and modernization plans, while at the same time laying the foundations for the development of a capital market and a private pension fund administration system. In Colombia, electricity firms, financial entities and mining companies were the main assets to be transferred to the private sector. In Venezuela, the government privatized telecommunications companies, air transport and a number of manufacturing firms, but retained control over Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), the largest firm in the entire Andean region. Both Venezuela and Bolivia have also pursued a policy of establishing closer relations with other subregional groupings, such as the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) of which Bolivia is actually an associate member, while Colombia and Venezuela are members of the Group of Three, together with Mexico.
As company leaders dug further, they uncovered the root of the problem. Most customers weren’t fed up with any one phone call, field visit, or other interaction—in fact, they didn’t much care about those singular touchpoints. What reduced satisfaction was something few companies manage—cumulative experiences across multiple touchpoints and in multiple channels over time. Take new-customer onboarding, a journey that typically spans about three months and involves six or so phone calls, a home visit from a technician, and numerous web and mail exchanges. Each interaction with this provider had a high likelihood of going well. But in key customer segments, average satisfaction fell almost 40 percent over the course of the journey. It wasn’t the touchpoints that needed to be improved—it was the onboarding process as a whole. Most service encounters were positive in a narrow sense—employees resolved the
Critics of the hedge fund industry con- tend that these funds’ activities have neg- ative consequences for markets and for the economy. Martin Mayer, talking about LTCM, expressed one view on the value of the industry: “It is probably worth noting that the work done at LTCM, while not illegal or sinful, was without redeeming social value.” 7 Calls for increased regulation or more direct government oversight of the industry are often based on commonly held, but largely unsubstantiated, beliefs about hedge funds.
“ During the examination of about 2000 rats, a great variety of pathology was observed. The most frequent of these were mild changes in the liver, kidneys, heart, and lungs. Only in the Thimerosal-treated animals were the lesions in the lungs numerous or severe enough to warrant comment (see Table 6). Here only disease incidence in the high dose of each compound is recorded. The three compounds chosen had the highest incidence of bronchopneumonia and in comparison with the controls it is evident that Thimerosal had a damaging effect on the lung or its defense apparatus. Since the death rate in this group paralleled the deaths in the other compounds, it must be concluded that the damage was
service. These groups shape how the com- pany interacts with customers. But even as they work hard to optimize their contribu- tions to the customer experience, they often lose sight of what customers want. The pay TV company’s salespeople, for example, were focused on closing new sales and helping the customer choose from a dense menu of technology and programming options—but they had very little visibility into what happened after they hung up the phone, other than whether or not the customer went through with the installation. Confusion about promo- tions and questions about the installation process, hardware options, and channel lineups often caused dissatisfaction later in the process and drove queries to the call centers, but sales agents seldom got the feedback that could have helped them adjust their initial approach.
In the latest UNESCO Science Report, Albornoz et al state that ―S&T Systems in LatinAmerica are characterised, with some exceptions or nuances, by a lack of strong links and poor coordination between public R&D – encompassing universities mainly – and the business sector‖ (Albornoz et al 2010: 90). This statement agrees with prior views on the general weakness of the relationship between public research and industry in LatinAmerica (Cassiolato et al 2003; Cimoli 2000; López 2007). Yet recent research indicates that important links have been created between the innovation process and academic production centres in some of LatinAmerica‖s most innovative sectors, largely due to traditional investment in the S&T sector. For example, Argentinean agricultural development has benefited significantly from research carried out in INTA, the Argentinean National Institute for Agri-fishery Technology ( Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria) , and the same is true for the aerospace industry in Brazil, the coffee industry in Costa Rica, and the chemical industry in Mexico (Arza 2010). Nonetheless, though research at universities and public research institutions has been key to the development of certain industries and sectors, with intentional policy efforts to support such links since the 1990s, in many cases formal linkages are still not widespread or have been limited to certain types of relationships. 70 What is more, the further link with civil society and more directly with social
(González, 2007-2008, p.44). In this regard, it is pertinent to emphasize that the number of professionals dedicated to this discipline has been growing steadily. Maybe not as much as we would like, but sufficiently to be felt in most government institutions where their professional services are required. At this time, the presence of this professional is evident in educative institutions depending on the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Labor, and Ministry of Youth and Women Attention; it is also common to know about their action in response to at-risk populations, such as in cases of drug use and unwanted pregnancies among adolescents. In other countries guidance counselors have established in the private performance of this discipline.
Furthermore, despite the slight decline observed in 2014, the unemployment gaps of youth and women continue to be significant. The unemployment rate among women is 30% higher than that among men and their labour force participation rate is 30% lower. In the case of youth, there are significant differences: the unemployment rate of the population ages 15 to 24 in LatinAmerica is between two and 4.3 times higher than that among adults ages 25 and over. Moreover, unemployed youth account for more than 40% of the total unemployed population in the region. This would not be a serious problem considering that unemployed youth include both those who no longer have a job and those seeking employment for the first time. Nevertheless, the extended, high levels of youth unemployment and youth’s precarious entry in the labour market result in a variety of negative social and economic effects.
what I exist within. Coats (2012) refers to two aspects of creating as a single entity in my mind, but which for me, are quite distinct: materials and technique or method. Coats (2012) sees the shaping of pieces for collage by artists like Eric Carle, what I would refer to as material use, as “their concern [being] mostly to create forms and colours, and textures that suggest the things they are trying to represent,” (Coats, 2012, p. 86). In my work, the cutting and forming of shapes from the dreams and ideas represented in childhood paintings, makes a point about the way that society has played a role in forming my, self and provides me with an opportunity to show this shaping by tearing and cutting the material. What is then created with those parts and pieces, the techniques used, say something more. Coats (2012) refers to the works of other collage artists who “create pictures that are more than the sum of their parts … [who] call attention to the materiality of their subjects, to the ways that our worlds are composed by an overlap of found objects, everyday experiences, and trace memories,” (Coats, 2012, p. 86). Another layer to this self is the use of the picturebook and exhibition formats.
understanding of subjectivity is likely to be demonstrated first on a case-by-case basis for single issues such as matters of preference. Chandler et al. (2002) propose that, as a natural off-shoot of the development of formal-operational thinking during adolescence, the individual comes to realise that all knowledge is inherently subjective in nature. As a result the relativistic approach to beliefs taken initially only for matters of preference will now be revisited and re-applied in a wider range of knowledge domains. The findings presented here do not fit with the notion of recursion, however, as even in the domain of personal preferences the understanding of subjectivity demonstrated by many of the 6- to 9-year-olds was limited in comparison to that of the young adolescents and adults. The age-related difference in responses seen here is better characterised as representing the difference between shallow and deep knowledge about subjectivity. Although most children were aware that people can have different preferences, we suggest it is only when individuals come to a deeper understanding of the relationship between subjectivity and truth that they can be said to be taking a relativist position or to be fully aware of the constructive nature of the knowing process.
Many close elections have also featured allegations that waves of ineligible people with felony convictions have deliberately overtaken the voting system. There are, however, only a handful of known cases in which people rendered ineligible by convictions cast ballots despite knowing that they were not permitted to do so. 109 More frequently — though still quite rare — individuals who are ineligible because of convictions have re- portedly registered or voted without realizing that they were ineligible. In Washington in 2004, for example, there were reports of voting by ineligible persons with convictions, in substantial part because of significant confusion about the circumstances under which civil rights were taken away or restored. 110 At the time, citizens convicted of a felony were disenfranchised both while in prison and after they had returned to the community on parole or probation. In order to regain the right to vote, these citizens had to complete their sentence — including repayment of all restitution, fees, and fines. 111 Confusion abounded. Many citizens with convictions thought they could vote again once they were released from probation. 112 Some individuals rendered ineligible by conviction were allegedly told by corrections officers that they could vote; other proba- tioners were apparently mailed ballots they thought they could (indeed, should) cast. 113 At least one county elections office provided mistaken information on its website. 114
Quantifying the benefits derived from the investment component of CTE programs is not easy. In our study, we estimate that the extra education received by the poor would add about 8% to their lifelong earnings in Mexico and 9% in Nicaragua. Since this increase applies over the entire working life of the cohort, its value is worth significantly more than the monetary transfers poor households receive. This improvement in future earnings is permanent and does not depend on continued safety net spending. One could conclude that CTE programs are at least twice as effective as a straight transfer given the (permanent) benefit to poor households from their children’s increased future earnings. The positive performance of CTE programs does not mean they should be established in countries that do not have them, or expanded in those where they already exist. Successful as they may be, these programs are not a cure-all for poverty or for correcting a country’s educational shortfalls. While CTE programs seem preferable to straight transfers for addressing structural poverty, they are no substitute for implementing more comprehensive safety nets that shield the poor from temporary macroeconomic shocks, natural disasters, and other emergencies. Similarly, CTE programs will not improve education outcomes in countries where low levels of schooling among the poor are not simply a demand-side problem. In fact, putting excessive funding into a CTE program would be a mistake if
Ultimately, Sumaq Summit helps executives to formulate and execute better business initiatives through the latest management techniques, relevant analysis of critical business issues, and winning strategies for investing and operating in LatinAmerica, through extensive use of Latin American case studies and examples, challenging participants to consider fresh approaches.
There are four sections to this research note. The first briefly reviews the literature on politics and bureaucracy in the presidentialist systems of United States and Brazil. The second section quickly describes the basic functioning of the Brazilian federal bureaucracy and the original dataset constructed in order to assess the extent of political appointments in Brazil. The third section analyzes three questions. The first is how the government distributes patronage to political parties and whether this distribution is proportional to each party’s parliamentary and ministerial power; the second is whether the allocation of political appointment offices to party members obeys patronage and/or policymaking logics; the third is about the possible use of very high-level offices in the same rationale as junior ministers are hired in parliamentary systems. Section four concludes.
As today’s SaaS becomes more widely used, the ITIL processes still apply. However, organizations must apply them a bit differ- ently. To manage SaaS, the IT organization needs feedback from those using SaaS applications. In the past, IT provided the technology for the customers’ use, and IT recorded details about every incident, who called to report it, when they called, and what they did. With SaaS, IT doesn’t always know the details. Now, business managers can easily opt for their own SaaS solutions, but IT still needs to be involved in supporting, inte- grating, and managing those solutions.