Top PDF Turkish policy towards the Middle East during the Davutoğlu period

Turkish policy towards the Middle East during the Davutoğlu period

Turkish policy towards the Middle East during the Davutoğlu period

neighbors” policy. We will start out by conceptualizing the theoretical aspect of this policy after which we will discuss some of the case studies concerning the relations of Turkey with Syria, Iran and Iraq, in order to bridge the theory with practice. Before we move onto discussing the theoretical aspects of the policy and consequently the case studies listed above, I find it important to clarify at this stage as to why I have choses these particular cases studies. Even though nowadays there is a crisis in Syria, it has not been the only determining factor of including this case study in the research. Syria has been an important player in the region before the crisis as well, which is especially true in case of Turkey. However, the newly emerged crisis plays its own role as well since I think that it was the moment when Syrian crisis erupted that the Turkish “zero problems with neighbors” policy came to its end. Additionally, all the chosen candidates for case studies are influential actors in the Middle East and possess sufficient capabilities to cause alterations in the Turkish foreign policy. The significance of this aspect grows even more if we consider that similar to Turkey, all these countries are aiming at becoming main regional actors. Other than that, all these countries are facing issues regarding the Kurdish minorities within their boundaries and they all want to solve these issues without compromising their territorial integrity. Last but not least, and to me the most important aspect is the economic interdependence. As Ahmet Davutoğlu has indicated, economic interdependence is a vital tool in terms of allowing Turkey to “gain depth” in the neighborhood, and correspondingly, the chief principle of “zero problems with neighbors” policy is strongly linked to promoting economic interdependence among the neighboring countries of Turkey (Almuedo 2011).
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Assessments of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East during the Arab uprisings

Assessments of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East during the Arab uprisings

The perception among the general public is in line with perceptions among the elite. In Egypt, there is a belief that Turkey is pursuing an active foreign policy in the Middle East, and its image is generally positive in academic circles, in political circles, among business people and among state officials. At the time of our field work, our findings suggested that, especially in the last few years, Turkey is perceived positively for two reasons: its help to the Palestinians and its opening toward Arab countries. 43 In explaining the recent Turkish opening toward the Middle East, an Egyptian diplomat argued that Turkey turned toward the East and that the negative atmosphere between Turkey and Europe played a role in Turkey’s decision. Although Turkish foreign policy in the last few years is seen positively, according to an Egyp- tian diplomat, its change in policy during the Libyan crisis is seen as opportunistic. 44 Turkish policy toward the Palestinian issue is critical to elites’ positive image of Turkey. In this respect, the scene from the Davos meeting in January 2009, Erdog˘an’s storming off the debate, was in people’s minds. An Islamist Egyptian politician argued that Turkey is becoming a very influential actor on the issue of Palestine, but also that Egypt will play the main role in the future and Turkey only a secondary role. 45 Beside its attitude to the Palestinian – Israeli conflict, some elites pointed to the personalities of the policy-makers as the reason for the success of Turkey’s foreign policy.
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The crisis in Iraq and the twists and turns of Turkish Middle East policy. OSW Commentary No. 142, 29.07.2014

The crisis in Iraq and the twists and turns of Turkish Middle East policy. OSW Commentary No. 142, 29.07.2014

The Middle East, with which Turkey’s relations had been limited and cool until 2002, has pro- vided the AKP with an opportunity for a strate- gic diversification from its dominant relations with the West: Ankara’s political activity aimed at close cooperation and economic activity, ba- sed on the search for new markets and sour- ces of energy and investments, was intended to strengthen Turkey’s position both vis-à-vis the West and globally. Although the effects of the ‘Arab Spring’ significantly reduced Turkish ambitions, in 2013 Iraq (de facto the Kurdistan Region in Iraq) was the second largest export market for Turkey after Germany, and was a key land route in the Gulf region and the Indian Ocean basin. The destabilisation (and especially the prospect of the collapse) of Iraq, in the light of the ongoing conflict in Syria and related complications, has called the reality of Turkish policy towards the Middle East into qu- estion, and brings with it the risk of measura- ble economic losses (from export restrictions, and thus production and logistics, to an expec- ted increase in energy prices). Worse, possible economic turmoil in Turkey, as well as a rise in tension on its borders, threaten a deterioration of its image in the eyes of key investors and len- ders in the West.
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Where is the anchor now? A Poliheuristic analysis of Turkish foreign policy in the AKP period

Where is the anchor now? A Poliheuristic analysis of Turkish foreign policy in the AKP period

86 its analysis. It is argued that applying the PH decision-making theory is a useful way to accomplish this task. The empirical question aims at explaining the major factors that determined the foreign policy orientation and re-orientation of Turkey in the AKP period. In the literature, Turkey’s post-Cold War foreign policy is generally studied in three periods: the period before AKP (the 1990s), the first period of AKP government with a significant EU membership direction (2002-2005) and the second period of AKP government with an emphasis on independent regional activism (the period after 2005). The AKP period foreign policy orientation is both converging with and diverging from that of the previous period. Although both policy orientations included a significant EU direction, TFP in the 1990s is defined as ‘military/security oriented’ and ‘confrontational’ whereas TFP in the AKP period is defined as ‘soft power oriented’ and ‘peaceful’. After 2005, when EU formally opened accession negotiations with Turkey, a declining enthusiasm is observed in AKP’s foreign policy orientation. The thesis argues that, among others, the prospect of EU membership; the impact of Davutoğlu and his arguments on Turkey’s “strategic depth”; the domestic political conditions of the period; and the political background of AKP have been the major determinants of these shifting foreign policy orientations.
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TIME TO RECONSIDER? THE CHAOS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND TURKISH SUPPORT FOR THE EU

TIME TO RECONSIDER? THE CHAOS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND TURKISH SUPPORT FOR THE EU

Using the 2013 Pew Global Attitudes Survey, we answer this question by testing the well-established explanations in the literature regarding public support for the EU alongside our new explanations that capture the trade-off between regional security concerns and skepticism toward the European Union. Our analyses reveal that the previous generation of studies, which highlighted the effects of utility and identity-based factors on Turkish Euroskepticism, is no longer relevant. Instead, we find that Turkish public opinion toward the EU is increasingly shaped by the extent to which the citizens see their regional environment insecure and unstable. Our results suggest that as Turks voice greater concerns about the regional turmoil in the Middle East, they begin to view the European Union as a safe harbor, an alternative political actor. The results therefore suggest important implications not only for the Euroskepticism literature but for policy-makers as well. Given the chaos in Turkey’s southern neighborhood, it might be time to shift the focus of Turkish foreign policy towards Europe.
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Rediscovering its Arab neighbours? The AKP imprint on Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East

Rediscovering its Arab neighbours? The AKP imprint on Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East

activity of economic actors. An important factor that determined the Turkish political system is the military cup of September 1980. While any contact with the soviet bloc may have been judged suspicious, the contacts with the Arab world, especially with the Islamic republics of the Gulf, have been perceived with a positive stance. Given the perspectives of important foreign investments, kemalist circles in fact favoured further rapprochement with these oil-reach states in the economic field. It is during this period that a prominent member of the current Erdogan cabinet, the Foreign minister in office, Abdullah Gül, spent some eight years in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, working as economist in the Islamic Development Bank. Gül became member of the Turkish parliament with the Welfare Party (RP) in 1991 and State Minister in the Erbakan government in 1996. Reportedly he was the chief responsible for foreign affairs of the RP, the FP and AKP.
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Turkish foreign aid policy in AKP period: historical institutionalism revisited

Turkish foreign aid policy in AKP period: historical institutionalism revisited

When all development assistance of TIKA is considered, it can be argued that while in some cases the main motivation is solely global humanitarian consideration, in other cases, cultural and historical heritage constitute the main motivation behind TIKA‟s projects. As KardaĢ (2013) argues that the then Foreign Minister Davutoğlu‟s emphasis on “Turkey‟s historic responsibility towards civilizational kin” has reinforced directing aid to those specific regions (p. 3). In addition to the technical assistance projects that are aiming to improve economic and political development of countries places in the Ottoman-Turkish cultural zone, Turkey has also concentrated on the discovery or restoration of historic artifacts or monuments in a geography stretching from Mongolia to the Balkans. Likewise, Turkey has focused on promotion of the study of Turkish language and culture as well as granting scholarship by the way of intending to enhance its soft-power in its surrounding regions. Yet, Turkey has also been very careful about the image that Turkey‟s aid policy targets not only countries of which Turkey has historical and cultural ties. To that end, both public and non-governmental sources of Turkey have been transferred for humanitarian emergencies worldwide which stress the globalist highlighting of Turkish foreign policy (Personal Communication, June 6, 2014). KardaĢ (2013) points out the UN LDCs summit arranged in Istanbul as sign of Turkey‟s alignment with the global discourse on development issues (p. 4).
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Turkey's Middle East Policy in the Post-Cold War Era

Turkey's Middle East Policy in the Post-Cold War Era

The abovementioned policies are currently pursued and even developed further, as well as steps taken by Turkey‟s counterparts to strengthen relations improved relations. Particularly, emotional explanations and romantic initiatives that address the “Arab conscience” and political steps that impressed the Arab, especially ordinary people, accelerated the process considerably. First of all, the rejection of the “Memorandum of March 1” by the Turkish Parliament sufficed to demolish Turkey‟s “pro-Western” image to a great extent. At the same time, establishment of high-level relationships with Syria with which Turkey was on the verge of war only ten years earlier, and consolidation of the relations despite the intense pressures by the USA and Western countries on Syria significantly enhanced Turkey‟s “position” in the Arab world. Negotiations with Hamas which were approached with suspicion by the USA and many European countries and considered as a terrorist organization by Israel, the harsh attitude of Turkey toward Israel during and after the Israeli-Hezbollah War in summer 2006 and the “Operation Cast Lead”, which was the last large-scale operation of Israel toward Gaza, again the harsh statements against Israel and finally, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan‟s “One Minute” move during the 2009 Davos summit completely changed the image of Turkey which was labeled as a “friend of Israel” in the Arab world for many years and therefore, had created a psychological wall with the Arab countries. Turkey became a country that was a model and needed to be followed closely by the Arab countries.
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The Russian foreign policy towards the Middle East, revival or downfall?

The Russian foreign policy towards the Middle East, revival or downfall?

After the 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union during the Second World War, the Soviets had to ensure a secure path for their war material. Hence, the Soviet Union occupied Iran, and both concluded the 1942 agreement, along with Great Britain under the condition that they left with a maximum of six months period after the war ended. Despite U.S pressures on Moscow to pull out from Iran, just as the British did in 1946, the Soviets refused. This was an obvious implication of the Soviet Union’s expansionist aims in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and the Far East (Yesiltas & Inat, 2005). The USSR further renounced the former treaties with Turkey, renewing their assertion over the Straits. In addition to that, it was overtly known that the Soviet Union was the hand behind the 1945-1946 uprising of the Azeri, which resulted in the Iranian recognition of Azerbaijan, and 1946 withdrawal of Soviet troops from Iran (Yesiltas & Inat, 2005).
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Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East.

Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East.

relationship with Iran, protection from nuclear threats from the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) even going so far as to host U.S. manned defensive missiles in the south of the country (Bahgat, 2007). This contradiction in policy is a result of tension in Turkish domestic politics. The Kemalist establishment consisting of the military, secularists, and nationalists fear Turkey will become the second Iran with increased religious influence and a disregard for human rights. However, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) consists of liberals, center- rights, and religious leaders who want to maintain economic ties with Iran even though each state has starkly different religious viewpoints (Sunni vs. Shi’ite). Still, somehow, there manages to be positive diplomatic relations between Ankara and Tehran as well as Ankara and Washington (Shenna, 2010).
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Turkey s New Foreign Policy Towards The Middle East And The Perceptions In Syria And Lebanon*

Turkey s New Foreign Policy Towards The Middle East And The Perceptions In Syria And Lebanon*

New Turkish activism in the Middle East is not a spontaneous and inde- pendent action from the facts. In other words, there are domestic, regional and global factors lying behind this new policy. Dealing with the domestic ones, some argue that the new Middle East engagement stems solely from the poli- cies of Justice and Development Party (AK Party -Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) which has a conservative background. 10 Thus with the AK Party coming into power it can be said that the religious sensitivity of the people increased. Turk- ish people became more engaged in the Middle Eastern politics especially the Palestine issue. However it’s believed that this is not the only case. Because even more conservative governments like Refah (Welfare) Party came in to power before, there wasn’t any engagement like this. However it can be argued that political stability created a much more distinctive era for foreign policy. For instance, while there were more than ten governments changed during the 1990s, the ruling AK Party elected first in 2002 is still in power and this stability enable the continuity in foreign policy as well as in economic policies. 11
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The domestic context of Turkey’s changing foreign policy towards the Middle East and the Caspian Region

The domestic context of Turkey’s changing foreign policy towards the Middle East and the Caspian Region

The Turkish “state” was embodied by the Kemalist elite: the official state party Republi- can People's Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi – CHP) (until 1946), the administrative bu- reaucracy, and the military. Fields thought to be strategically important for the regime’s survival – including security, foreign policy, economic affairs, and justice – were con- trolled by the core Kemalist elite, in particular the military and judicial apparatuses. The powers and possibilities they had to curtail individual rights were broadly expanded in the Constitution of 1982, when a number of new “superbureaucracies” were created. These agencies, which included the Council of Higher Education (to oversee universities and the sciences), state security courts 8 , and the High Council for Radio and Television (to oversee the media), stood above the government and were not subject to parliamentary oversight. The country’s administrative structures likewise showed signs of a markedly centralist development, and they were not geared merely to providing services and public goods. Their strength was more their ability to exercise political, cultural, and social control than their capacity to engage in rational economic regulation and effective resource policies (Ahmand 1993). These were the factors that enabled this “trinity of power” (Franz 2000; Harris 1988) to retain, largely and until quite recently, its hegemony in politics, economy, and society.
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Evolution of Russian Foreign Policy and the Middle East

Evolution of Russian Foreign Policy and the Middle East

For Moscow, the relationship with Turkey is part of a strategy of simultaneous expansion of economic relations and constraint of the influence of the West in its neighbourhood. On the Turkish side, this approach is related to a new way of doing foreign policy with the Justice and Development Party and the minister for foreign affairs, Ahmet Davutoglu. Energy has been the area that has most united these two states in the last decades. 21 In this energy context, there are two issues that characterise the Turkish-Russian relationship: on the one hand, the economic relationship between the two countries; on the other, the geopolitics of the issue (Barrinha, 2014, p. 259). Gas and oil pipelines have had fundamental importance in the energy relationship. Russia’s top priority is the Turkish Stream Gas Pipeline (substitute of the abandoned South Stream project), which is expected to supply 15.75 billion cubic meters of gas to Turkey by 2020 as well as to Southeast Europe (Baev & Kirişci, 2017, p. 7). According to Putin, its implementation will significantly increase the energy security of Turkey and Europe, boosting the chances of exporting Russian gas to Turkey. Erdoğan’s decision to grant the Russian State Atomic Energy Corporation (Rosatom) the rights to build the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant in southern Turkey is controversial. As Pavel Baev and Kemal Kirişci note, it would grant Russia “control over a significant portion of Turkey’s electricity production” (Baev & Kirişci, 2017, p. 7). In contrast to Turkey’s energy diversification goals, the projects will aggravate its dependence on Russian energy (Taussig, 2017). Turkey imports between 50% and 55% of its gas needs from Russia (Baev & Kirişci, 2017, p. 6).
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Changing Course in Turkish Foreign Policy - Explaining the Change in Turkish Foreign Policy in 2010s in the context of the Middle Eastern Security Complex

Changing Course in Turkish Foreign Policy - Explaining the Change in Turkish Foreign Policy in 2010s in the context of the Middle Eastern Security Complex

Davutoğlu starts his book by acknowledging the emergence of a new international political conjuncture in the post-Cold War era based on balance of power which brought a necessity to reinterpret Turkey‟s location in it. 228 His foreign policy vision basically overemphasizes Turkey‟s geopolitical location and historical legacy as two vital concepts indicating its value in international politics. 229 His strategic beliefs concerning Turkey‟s role are built on the view that Turkey is a central state thanks to its historical and geographical connections. 230 The concept of central state here refers to a state actor geographically and geo- culturally located at the intersection of self-contained regional systems. 231 According to him, although the geography of a country is a stable factor, diplomatic dimension of geopolitics is a variable which is dependent on changes in international power distribution. 232 He believes that Turkey‟s central state status alongside with its multiple regional identities allows for manoeuvring in several regions simultaneously and controlling an area of influence in its environs. 233 Similarly in his view, Turkey can play an important geostrategic role thanks to its strategic location and control of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. 234 He also asserts that the circular zones of its land, maritime, and continental basins constitute the basis for Turkey‟s foreign policy strategy which aims at gradually extending its area of influence and strengthening its global positioning. 235 In addition to its geostrategic location, he argues that Turkey‟s unique historical legacy and its historical and cultural ties with its contiguous land basins, i.e. the Balkans, the Middle East, and the Caucasus, are of high importance in the making of its foreign and security policies. 236 In practice, the notion of Ottoman‟s historical and cultural legacy is particularly perceived as a useful factor in utilizing Turkey‟s active involvement in its neighbourhood. 237 Given such considerations, it is believed to be a necessity for Turkey‟s central state position to provide security and stability not only for itself, but also for its neighbourhood. 238
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The East Asian Industrial Policy Experience: Implications for the Middle East

The East Asian Industrial Policy Experience: Implications for the Middle East

much larger burden on the economy (Shleifer and Vishny 1993). Figures 5 and 6 also report data for Turkey and Egypt that generally show poorer performance than the East Asians on these criteria. Admittedly in some sense this is comparing apples and oranges: It would be appropriate to compare East Asian scores on these measures from the 1960s or 1970s, when they were implementing these industrial policies, with those of the Middle Eastern countries today where the adoption of these policies is contemplated. Unfortunately, the relevant data do not exist for the earlier period. It may be the case that the East Asian governments were much more corrupt or much less capable in the earlier period and that transparency and competence have improved as incomes have risen. This is certainly possible. Nevertheless, the large divergences between the scores of the two groups of countries must give one pause when it comes to increasing the discretionary economic policymaking power of the government in the Middle Eastern countries today. Consider, for example, the South Korean monthly meeting that reviewed exports.
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The Turkish Model, the Double-Security Dilemma, and the Political Reproduction of State Polities in the Middle East

The Turkish Model, the Double-Security Dilemma, and the Political Reproduction of State Polities in the Middle East

123 polarized. Nonetheless, it is clear that ethnic conflict played a central role in the construction, sustainability and enforcement of Turkish nationalism. The transgenerational trauma of the Turkish people due to the loss of the Balkans (Rumeli) by the Ottoman Empire between 1911 and 1913 cannot be underestimated (Zürcher 2005). This region had been part of the Ottoman Empire for 500 years. This transgenerational trauma created a feeling of mistrust of Christians and Jews amongst many Turks. It also made statehood a necessary protection for those who self-defined as Turks who had been ethnically cleansed from Eastern Europe. Most of the architects of Kemalism, including Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, were in fact refugees (muhacireen) from the areas that had been annexed by the Western powers in this period (Zürcher 2005). There was a feeling amongst the refugees that Anatolia was the 'Turk's last stand' (Zürcher 2005). This feeling was not exclusive to Kemalists and was shared by its opponents such as Nâzım Hikmet Ran (Zürcher, 2005). His poem Davet (The Plea), articulates the theme of Anatolia as a haven for the unity of the Turkish people and the end of the domination and oppression of their history:
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Romania’s Foreign Policy towards the Countries of the Middle East – Commented in the Egyptian Press (1971)

Romania’s Foreign Policy towards the Countries of the Middle East – Commented in the Egyptian Press (1971)

During this period, Israel was interested in maintaining relations with Romania for the following reasons: to maintain contact with the Jewish population and secure the Romanian Jews’ migration to Israel; to maintain and possibly enhance the volume of commercial exchanges; finally, to strengthen Israel’s international positioning towards Arab countries by promoting good relations with socialist countries as well. Comparing Israel’s political, diplomatic and economic relations with Romania to those of the Arab countries, journalist As-Sayed Aliwa concluded thus: “It is worth remarking that Israeli diplomacy was able to take full advantage of all circumstances, while the Arab attitude was at times characterised by reckless reactions. Arab diplomacy could only react to the promotion of the diplomatic representation between Romania and Israel to the level of embassy by becoming enraged, Syria, Iraq, Sudan broke relations with Romania, while the U.A.R. did nothing more than recall its ambassador in Bucharest” 19 . Criticising the Arab states’ policy in this matter, As-Sayed Aliwa highlighted in the article: “We must understand very clearly that relations between us and any other partner in the
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In pursuit of national interest: change and continuity in Malaysia’s foreign policy towards the middle east

In pursuit of national interest: change and continuity in Malaysia’s foreign policy towards the middle east

As a small country and geographically not near the Middle East, Malaysia is limited in its ability to affect or influence the course of events and decisions concerning the region. As such and due to the limited resources, it has to make choices and options in defining and implementing its Middle East foreign policy. While the ‘Islamic factor’ remains as a part of the consideration, Malaysia’s foreign policy is increasingly conceived to secure its national interest as defined by the need and wishes of the state at a given period. Some of the pertinent issues to be considered are the Israel- Palestine issue, Malaysia’s role in OIC, economic potential and opportunities to be found in the region, enhancing social and cultural ties and the continuity of good political relations. If these are Malaysia’s interests in the region, the question that arises is how to obtain them in the best possible conditions so that its limited resources are not wasted or thinly stretched. Malaysia will also have to compete with other countries that are in a more advantageous position to do so. Can Malaysia secure its national interest in the region by continuing its old policy? Alternatively, in view of the changes that have taken place within the region, does it need a paradigm change in its foreign policy towards the Middle East?
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TURGUT ÖZAL PERIOD IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY: ÖZALISM

TURGUT ÖZAL PERIOD IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY: ÖZALISM

Apart from the structural change and the rapid development of the Turkish economy, the share of exports in the economy was dramatically increased. In the first years, when the difficulties with the EC markets increased, Turkish businessmen focused on the Middle East countries, notably Iran, Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia. Thus, for the first time in Republican history, the Turkish economy became dependent on economic conditions in the Muslim world. In addition to the oil trade, Turkey attached great importance to export, tourism and the construction sectors. Moreover, in time, the European Community, became the first and most important export area for Turkish goods, with over a 50 % share. In addition to the EC and the Middle East, trade with the US, the Balkans, Central Asia and the Russian Federation markets became vital for Turkish businessmen, and the dependant classes. Thanks to the Özalist economic measures of the early 1980s, by abandoning its inward-oriented economic policies Turkey succeeded not only in diversifying its exports but also in becoming an important market for direct foreign investment. 23 The Istanbul exchange was now considered one of the most important financial markets in south-eastern Europe, together with that of Athens. That is to say, contrary to the small Turkish market in the 1920s-30s, Turkey was now one of the most rapidly developing international markets, with billions- dollars of foreign investments. Hence, an isolationist policy, like Kemalist foreign policy of the early Republican years, was virtually impossible. Turkey became the third biggest market among the non-EC European countries, after Switzerland and Russia. All these factors affected and sometimes forced the Özal administration to improve Turkey’s economic and political relations with the EC and other economic partners. Thus, for example, Turkey was very careful not to annoy Germany, its biggest economic partner. Similarly, contrary to the early Republican indifference towards the region Turkey’s growing economic interests in the region and new export-oriented policies inevitably raised Turkish consciousness toward the Middle East. 24
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The Evolution of Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East

The Evolution of Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East

Turkey, in effect, tried to play the mediator or conciliator in many other disputes as well, including the Balkans and the Caucasus. Foreign policy became an instrument by which the AKP introduced itself to many in the world, especially in the West, that was suspicious of its roots - after all the AKP leadership had all been the students of the virulently anti-Western and anti-Semitic Islamic leader Necmettin Erbakan - to prove that it was a responsible actor. In turn, external sources of support were important to the AKP’s ability to construct defences against the secular civilian-military establishment at home which saw in the party a formidable foe intent on transforming Turkey’s secular order. Journalist İsmet Berkan has even argued that the acceptance of the Annan plan for Cyprus was, in part, instigated by AKP’s fear of an impending military coup and the desire to prevent it by building a cooperative reputation for itself in the West. 3
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