Top PDF UK Parliamentary Papers: House of Commons

The help pages are less easy to find than in the old interface, but people used to ProQuest’s platform will know to go to the question mark symbol in the top-right corner. The distinction between ‘Help’ and ‘ UK Parliamentary Papers LibGuide’ is perhaps confusing, but both contain useful information covering how to use the resource and explaining the parliamentary material. It is good to see that a lot of the useful guidance on the sources has been moved over from the old platform. Some of the guidance on using the search interface is very brief and could be developed more fully. Much of it is generic advice on the

elections in the counties and boroughs and on the attitudes of the electorate. This is all to the good. So, too, is the stimulus it will give to further enquiries arising from the issues it has raised. If there is a general criticism to be made, it concerns the administrative and financial pressures one suspects the authors were under to complete this project prematurely. There are too many minor errors for them to be entirely happy with the finished product. They were, moreover, constrained from advancing too far-reaching a set of explanations for the history of the House of Commons in this period. Others must take up the challenge of exploiting their work. These six volumes represent a considerable step forward in scholarship. They have put to rest some old hypotheses and opened the way for new work. For that achievement early modern historians should be grateful indeed.

parliamentary behaviour, Princeton University Press, 1977; W.C. Lubenow, ‘Ireland, the great depression, and the railway rates: political issues and backbench opinion in the House of Commons of 1886’, proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 122 (4) (1978), pp. 204-213; id., ‘Irish Home Rule and the great separation in the Liberal party in 1886: the dimensions of parliamentary liberalism’ Victorian Studies, 26(2) (1993) pp. 161-180; id., ‘The Meaning of Voting Dimensions in the Late Victorian Liberal Party,” in Joni Lovenduski and Jeffrey Stanyer, (eds.), Contemporary Political Studies, Political Studies Association,1995 (in addition to his book Parliamentary politics op. cit.); H. W.Stephens and D.W. Brady ‘The parliamentary parties and the electoral reforms of 1884-85 in Britain’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 1(4), pp. 491-510; C. Schonhardt-Bailey, ‘Ideology, party and interests in the British Parliament of 1841-1847’, British Journal of Political Science, 33(4) (2003) pp. 581-605; id. ‘Conservatives who sounded like trustees but voted like delegates’, in From the Corn Laws to Free Trade: Interests, Ideas, and Institutions in Historical Perspective, MIT Press, 2006; I. McLean, ‘Interests and Ideology in the United Kingdom Parliament of 1841–7: an analysis of roll call voting’ in J. Lovenduski and J. Stanyer eds, Contemporary Political Studies, Political Studies Association, 1995, pp. 1—20; id. ‘Irish Potatoes, Indian Corn, and British Politics: Interests, Ideology, Heresthetics, and the Repeal of the Corn Laws’, in F. McGillivray, I. McLean, R. Pahre and C. Schonhardt- Bailey, eds, International Trade and Political Institutions, Edward Elgar, 2001, pp. 99–145; id and and C. Bustani, 'Irish potatoes and British politics: interests, ideology, heresthetic and the repeal of the Corn Laws', Political Studies, 47, (1999), pp. 817–36.

However, this article has maintained that these two categories are not mutually exclusive, and that changes can be both efficient and effective. Other reports in Table 2 do seem to fall into both categories. For example, the proposal to carry over bills from one session to the next can deliver both efficiency and effectiveness gains: the government may be more likely to introduce bills later in the session knowing they can be carried over to the next, rather than lost, and the Commons can conduct better scrutiny because the mechanism works against there being a glut of legislation at one point in the session. Explanatory material for bills also seems to fall into both categories: with the content of legislation more clearly explained, parliament may be able to deal with it more quickly and in better possession of the facts about the nature of the bills before it. However, when these are underpinned by legislative programming, it becomes clear that they tip rather more towards the efficiency classification, while still deriving effectiveness gains of some kind. Both consequently deliver far more benefits in terms of streamlining and expediting than they do for House effectiveness. More importantly, neither proposal is on par with those kinds of reforms designed to rebalance significantly executive–legislative relations at Westminster.

The passage above betrays the true intentions of this statute, demonstrating that the Government hoped to sooth class conflict by providing public walks and common areas that could be enjoyed by all classes. The continuing themes of public health and the advancement of the quality of life for inhabitants of the cities can be observed in these early proposals, as well as in the later debates on open access. On its passage through parliament, the proposed legislation to provide more public walks became attached to wider plans to fund public museums and libraries. The House of Commons debate suggests that together, these provisions were regarded as a panacea against drunkenness and poor health in the inner cities. The proposals themselves were supported and driven by the Liberal MPs who emerged from the North of England after the electoral reform of the 1830s, and have at their heart the language of charity and temperance rather than the language of rights. This is exemplified by

We close, as promised, with some brief commentary on Recommendation No. 12, a House statement on maternity and paternity leave. The Leader of the House, Andrea Leadsom repeatedly stated that what has become known on the twittersphere as ‘#Proxyvoting for #Babyleave’ would happen in autumn 2018. Prioritized by the Commons Reference Group on Representation and Inclusion and jointly taken up by the Mother of the House, the Rt Hon Harriet Harman MP, a debate was secured in Westminster Hall. With the House agreeing in principle the Procedure Committee undertook a swift inquiry and reported on the means of implementation. A second debate was held although there was no votable motion. 17 At this time, concerns were raised that this was designed to allow for criticism by MPs unaware of the first debate. The Jo Swinson debacle over pairing – when her pair voted - would later make the case even more compelling; ditto the impending births of a handful of MPs’ babies. But Christmas 2018 came and went. Brexit business may have been one reason, although we suspect that the Whips are less than happy with arrangements that take power away from them. ‘#Proxyvoting for #Babyleave’ could have been – should have been – one of the Government’s centenary Deeds; it would have been a hugely symbolic

The EIB has played a role in various large scale infrastructure projects in the UK, including the Channel tunnel, the second Severn crossing, the Jubilee Line extension to the London Underground network, the Heathrow Express and London to Dover fast rail links. Brian Unwin, a British former President of the EIB, has suggested that: “There is no alternative multilateral institution with the EIB’s lending capacity and expertise in infrastructure investment, and proposals to establish a UK equivalent have come to nothing.”

In the UK, inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient increased during the 1980s but from 1990 onwards has remained more stable, based on data from the Family Resources Survey. The latest estimate is for 2017/18 and shows that the Gini coefficient for the UK was 34% based on income before housing costs and 39% based on income after housing costs. Inequality levels are higher based on income after housing costs because lower-income households tend to spend a larger share of their income on housing than higher-income households. The Gini coefficient was very little changed in 2017/18 compared with in the previous year. The big overarching economic development during the year was the rise in inflation. This was a consequence of the post-EU referendum fall in the pound which increased import prices. Median household income after inflation was unchanged compared with the previous year, only the fourth time in the past 30 years where the median income in real terms did not grow. 10 The Institute for Fiscal

judgement about what constitutes minimum needs. Successive governments have argued there is no single, objective way of determining what constitutes a minimum acceptable income for a particular person or family, although independent researchers have made a number of attempts. Section 2 of Library Research Paper 13/1, Welfare Benefits Uprating Bill, 2013 , gives an overview of the debate. One such attempt is a major annual research project funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, which estimates Minimum Income Standards (MIS) for different household types in the UK. The research involves in-depth consultation with members of the public, combined with expert knowledge, to identify the level of income required to meet a minimum acceptable standard of living – “having what you need in order to have the opportunities and choices necessary to participate in society.” The first findings were published in 2008 and are updated each year. 26

judgement about what constitutes minimum needs. Successive governments have argued there is no single, objective way of determining what constitutes a minimum acceptable income for a particular person or family, although independent researchers have made a number of attempts. Section 2 of Library Research Paper 13/1, Welfare Benefits Uprating Bill, 2013 , gives an overview of the debate. One such attempt is a major annual research project funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, which estimates Minimum Income Standards (MIS) for different household types in the UK. This involves in- depth consultation with members of the public, combined with expert knowledge, to identify the level of income required to meet a minimum acceptable standard of living: “having what you need in order to have the opportunities and choices necessary to participate in society.” The first findings were published in 2008 and are updated each year. 36

Keep house warm Keep up to date with bills Money to decorate home Replace broken electrical goods Home contents insurance Replace worn out furniture Money to spend on self each week Make savings of 10 pounds a month or more One week's holiday away from home not with relatives Have a warm winter coat Celebrations on special occasions Eat fresh fruit and/or vegetables every day Go to a playgroup at least once a week Go on school trip at least once a term Have friends round for tea or a snack once a fortnight Leisure equipment, e.g. sports equipment or a bicycle Hobby or leisure activity Attend organised activity once a week Outdoor space / facilities to play safely Bedrooms for every child aged 10+ of different gender One week's holiday away from home with family

Caroline Lucas set out her arguments for lowering the voting age: The United Kingdom was one of the first countries in the world to lower the voting age from 21 to 18, but it is now trailing behind countries such as Brazil, Argentina, and Austria—unless, of course, you live in Scotland, which has blazed a trail with a more inclusive and equal political system, through giving 16 and 17- year-olds the vote in the independence referendum. Those young people need a say, not just on the future of the Union, but on all the decisions that affect their future. We also need equality between 16 and 17-year-olds in Scotland and those in the rest of the UK. 56

14) Second, the active involvement of foreign sponsors not only greatly increases the chances of non-actors committing violence against civilians (Saleyhan et.al. 2014), but also helps prolong civil wars (Saleyhan 2007). Here, again, US/UK facilitation of the political consolidation and increased military effectiveness of moderate Syrian opposition and Kurdish fighters could make a difference. If the first two years of the conflict were any indication, then Damascus’s sponsors in Russia and Iran are quite willing to contemplate a solution to the conflict which would not necessarily involve Bashar al-Assad if this is seen as serving their interests. If the UK and its allies were able to assist the Kurdish and Sunni opposition in achieving meaningful military success, concerns about Syria turning into Hezbollah’s ‘Vietnam’ could move Tehran toward a rather pragmatic approach concerning Syria’s future domestic set-up.

Keep house warm Keep up to date with bills Money to decorate home Replace broken electrical goods Home contents insurance Replace worn out furniture Money to spend on self each week Make savings of 10 pounds a month or more One week's holiday away from home not with relatives Have a warm winter coat Celebrations on special occasions Eat fresh fruit and/or vegetables every day Go to a playgroup at least once a week Go on school trip at least once a term Have friends round for tea or a snack once a fortnight Leisure equipment, e.g. sports equipment or a bicycle Hobby or leisure activity Attend organised activity once a week Outdoor space / facilities to play safely Bedrooms for every child aged 10+ of different gender One week's holiday away from home with family

2.4. The debate in the UK Parliament in 1967 acknowledged that under the new constitution the vote of a Bermudian in predominantly black working class constituencies would be worth approximately one-third of the value of that of a voter in a predominantly white constituency. This is clearly an improvement on the one-tenth that existed prior to the Constitution, but remains far from equal. A number of MPs in Westminster spoke against the Constitution on the basis of this, which was described by one MP as “the crux of the inequalities that undoubtedly exist in Bermuda”. Nevertheless, the UK Parliament passed the Bermuda Constitution Act 1967 without requiring equal constituencies and it was not until 2003 that an election was finally contested in single-seat constituencies of roughly equal size. Unsurprisingly, for 30 years following the adoption of the Constitution and its perpetuation of unequal constituencies, Bermuda politics was dominated by the United Bermuda Party (UBP), the party in power at the time the Constitution was created.

MPs according to their political party and status 194 Table 15: Adversarial features in questions asked by male MPs 197 Table 16: Adversarial features in questions asked by female MP[r]

This paper looks at trends in public sector education expenditure in the UK. Some more detail can be found in Public expenditure statistical analysis 2018 including a breakdown of total expenditure by type of education and spending in total and per head in the different parts of the UK. The annual report and accounts of the Department for Education includes more technical detail of spending in the most recent year and, in appendices, plans to the end of the current spending review period. Chapter B of the OECD’s Education at a Glance 2018 compares education spending across OECD and other countries.

rebellion on a particular issue most ministers will attempt to reach a compromise. The common sentiment seems to be, particularly in the government caucus, that party policies are usually revealed to the caucus after they have been revealed to Parliament. There is then little chance to reverse a policy without making the government seem to be making an ignominious retreat. Only in the C.C.F, and the H.D.P. has there been full discussion of party policies on external problems prior to making a statement in the House, the Liberal and Conservative caucuses external relations rarely figured as an important topic exeept in crisis situations such as Suez, the nuclear weapons and the Cuban missiles. One informant stated that the main business of caucus were matters having a ’political* impact and external affairs rarely had any such impact.

This briefing paper presents statistics on income inequality. In the UK, inequality in household incomes has remained at a roughly similar level since the early 1990s, but is higher than during the 1960s and 1970s. Following the 2008 recession, there was a small reduction in income inequality (based on income before deducting housing costs) as higher income households saw a larger real terms fall in income than households at the bottom of the distribution. This can be explained by the sharp fall in real earnings after the recession, while benefits levels remained more stable.

BUls, Reports of the House Committee, Command Papers and Statute Papers, there is no comprehensive index like the British House of Commons Sessional Index which covers all these papers..[r]