Therefore, continued urbanisation in the current form incorporates many risks: increased risks related to poor health and undernutrition; “distancing” of food production via long-distance modern supply chains risks the growing issue of urbanfood waste; urban poor are especially hard hit by food price inflation and volatility, while price controls on primary products do not guarantee the stability of food prices. Inequalities in access to food not only risks instability, food riots, and an increase in violence in cities, but also reduces the economic opportunities of poor slum dwellers to increase their micro or small scale food businesses, risking unemployment. Increasing food demands of cities also create intense competition for land, as development encroaches on peri-urban agricultural land: substantial land use and land cover has occurred. Fortunately, city councils are one of the first to recognise these risks, and have started to look for opportunities and solutions by using more holistic approaches. Civil servant support (e.g. Brazil, Kenya – see Appendices) is paramount to food security programme success, in spite of government changes. Devolution of power is an important contributor to city governance improvements in the urbanfoodsystems. Financial regulation should also be part of food system governance. Good connective infrastructure can help develop cities in terms of driving economic growth and creating more efficient links with local food producers who can tap into the growing urbanfood markets. Such City Region FoodSystems (CRFS) need policy
Cheekuvadi, all the slums in the present study are informal settlements; that is, they are not included in the list of slums in the Greater Mumbai Munici- pal Corporation (BMC). Of the three non-notified slums, Chamunda Nagar has been created by a cluster of migrants pushed out of their villages in North India. The other two, Rafi Nagar and Padma Nagar, are inhabited by the minority Muslim com- munity, including one inhabited by allegedly illegal in-migrants from the neighboring nation of Bangla- desh. Being non-notified, these three slums do not have access to municipal entitlements, including basic civic service supplies such as water and sani- tation. This is an important issue given that even the newest of the four slums has existed for nearly 15 years, certainly long enough for social and insti- tutional assimilation. Although it is not a legal vio- lation to not supply municipal civic services to non-notified slums, there are several barriers infor- mally created in the process of legal notification that have become politicized and are unjustifiable on constitutional grounds. The lack of access to drinking water, sanitation, and an overall livable environment has been a central factor also exclud- ing the three slums from access to minimum nutritionsystems.
The efficiency of centralized and decentralized distribution is a topic of perennial discussion in logistics (Holzapfel, Kuhn and Sternbeck, 2018; Morganti, Dablanc and Fortin, 2014). In this context, well known arguments relate to customer proximity and availability of goods as well as transportation capacities and costs (Park, Park and Jeong, 2016; Schiffer, Schneider and Laporte, 2018). However, in the couirse of digitalization, the situation has changed owing to the interconnectedness of suppliers, transporters, and customers (e.g. “peer-to-peer-systems”, Masoud and Jayakrishnan, 2017; Santoso and Nelloh, 2017). Food distribution systems, particularly those in urban areas, employ new solutions of fully digitalized work and transportation systems (Chen, Hsu, Hsu and Leed, 2014; Soysal, Bloemhof-Ruwaard, Haijema and van der Vorst, 2018; Widener et al., 2017). This paper explores digitalized delivery systems in order to provide insights regarding the effects of innovative urbanfood logistics solutions on work organization and management of workers.
environment and imbalanced structure of power in current foodsystems (67, 74, 90, 107, 108, 124, 136). An important challenge is the lack of policy support for agroecology, and the impact of existing agricultural policies and agricultural subsidies (including input and export subsidies) on agroecology and FSN (35, 65, 72, 73, 84, 122, 124). Governments can promote agroecology at local, national and international levels: through coherent policies, knowledge and experience sharing (72); through social and participative certification models (44, 69, 120, 166), through support to social economy (21), farmers’ market and community supported agriculture (123); through social protection and insurance programmes (120). Specific public policies to promote agroecology have started to emerge in Latin America and the Caribbean (54). Policies, rules and norms should internalize the externalities to overcome current ‘lock- in’ favouring intensive agriculture (49, 137). It is essential to strengthen the regulation of agrochemicals and transgenic seeds (85).
Key informants stated that there will be little management or supervisory emphasis on the incorporation of ENA into daily service provision until ENA indicators are included in health facility monitoring information systems. In several ESHE-supported areas, ENA data is being recorded and reported by HEWs with varying levels of collection and analysis by District or Zonal Health Offices. The indicators most frequently encountered in site visits to health facilities are the number of post-partum women and/or children receiving vitamin A supplements and/or the number of children attending growth monitoring and promotion sessions (along with other anthropometric and program information if the site also functions as an out-patient CTC program). In some cases, HEWs recorded the number of households receiving education on optimal breastfeeding and/or recommended complementary feeding practices for infants and young children.
An important implication that comes from the models in Table 3 is that as people shift from rural areas where they are relatively poor and engaged in employment that requires substantial physical effort, to urban environments where they will have higher paying jobs that tend to be comparatively sedentary, the BMIs of the Fijian population can be expected to increase. However, the rate of increase that can be expected is not likely to be disastrous. For example, urban dwelling Fijians involved in office work have on average a 2.87 unit higher BMI than rural, manual working counterparts. (1.95 due to being urban and Fijian plus 0.92 (or 3.26-2.34) due to being a Fijian involved in office work.) In the case of Indo-Fijians, there is not significant increase in BMI from being located in an urban rather than rural location but office workers and trades people are both likely to have BMIs more than 3 units higher than Indo-Fijians involved in manual labour.
and ecological opportunities that urbanfoodsystems offer (Lyons, et al., 2013), and the contributions they bring to urban resilience and addressing vulnerability (Burton, et al., 2013). Mason and Knowd (2010) argue that the growing popularity of urbanfoodsystems in Sydney offers an opportunity for urban dwellers to create alternative foodsystems within the constraints of the Australia productivist and neo-liberal oriented food system. At an educational curriculum level, the Stephanie Alexander program offers an opportunity for school children to learn and engage with learning about food, some of which takes place in urban schools (Block et al., 2012). Canberra is rapidly developing spaces where urban dwellers can rent patches of land and grow produce outside their homes (Pialligo Garden Plots, 2013). Similarly, the Brisbane based program, Food Connect, has provided an opportunity for urban dwellers to access food directly from growers form the surrounding regions, minimising value chains and creating closer linkages between producers and consumers (Kelly, 2010). Irrespective of the total volumes produced by these initiatives, their presence in the landscape provides the broader community a picture on the environmental and social realities of food production.
Diet guidelines published by institutions or doctors about handling food safely recommend avoidance of foods that are more frequently associated with illness that is carried by food. Some common foods that should always be avoided are: unpasteurized dairy products, raw oysters, raw eggs, raw fish and alfalfa sprouts. It is also recommended that you cook poultry and hamburger meat until it is well done. If you have a well for your water source, a water filter should be installed on the tap or where the water enters the house. You can get your water tested at no cost. If a filter is needed and cannot be afforded, you can boil your drinking water. In your search for a diet that is designed for people who have weakened immune systems, you may come across one that is called the “neutropenic diet.” This was supposed to help individuals with lower-than-normal neutrophil counts (neutropenia) learn how to decrease exposure to bacteria and other harmful organisms found in some foods. However, a universally-accepted definition of what foods should be included in this diet was never developed. In a
There are distinct opportunities and challenges inherent in urban agriculture in NYC, which is the highest-density US metropolis with some of the nation’s highest land values, making the prospect of farming in the five boroughs a demanding proposition. On the other hand, NYC has particular advantages: the economic and cultural robustness that serve to maintain high property costs are also associated with a high level of awareness, support and potential access to investment capital for projects that promote healthy foodsystems and sustainability. Specifically, urban farms are uniquely dependent on their surrounding communities to provide a strong customer base, and NYC’s density, and diverse and vibrant food culture make for an attractive context for aspiring urban farmers. NYC’s industrial and manufacturing areas are also highly suitable for rooftop agriculture due, in part, to access to re- development capital, a robust transportation network and adequate physical infrastructure. And despite what some might assume to be an inhospitable climate for agriculture, NYC’s five boroughs have a rich farming history, with Queens and Kings Counties being among the most productive agricultural counties in the nation in the late 19th century, all before the advent of advanced season-extension techniques (Linder and Zacharias, 1999). In Manhattan, for several decades in the 19th century, the extensive squatter settlements were said to produce a large proportion of the produce consumed by the city (Plunz, 1990). Indeed, as with other urban areas, the demise of localised production only began with the advent of modern food transport technologies such as refrigerated rail boxcars, interstate trucking, and air freight, which successively promoted the nationalisation and then the globalisation of the food system.
In households with young children, special weaning foods may be prepared in addition to the main household dishes. Sometimes this is just a portion of ugali which is diluted with a little milk or reconstituted milk powder. However, uji is the most important weaning food (Niemeijer, Foeken and Klaver 1991). In many cases no special weaning foods are made, so that to a large extent adult food reflects what is fed to the child (Mwadime et al. 1995). According to information from the second national Child Nutrition Survey (Kenya 1980), the main ingredient of children's weaning porridges in the rural areas of the Coast was maize (95% of cases) while in the urban areas it was a bit more varied (81% maize, 5% millet or maize mixed with millet and 14% other or not stated). The pattern of additional ingredients showed a clear rural-urban differential: in the rural areas, the weaning por- ridges in more than half of the cases had neither sugar nor milk added, while the weaning porridges
As reflected in Shawn Baker’s keynote, considerable progress has been made in expanding the agri-health research evidence base and uptake in policy. A research landscape once typified by few and relatively small groups has now evolved towards an increasingly large, well-funded, interdisciplinary, and global array of researchers. This research space, which naturally supports the SDGs agenda, is actively filling critical gaps in agriculture and health, developing innovative methods and metrics, and already informing interventions and cross- sectoral policy. The very existence of an ANH Academy and similar initiatives, as well as political commitment to initiatives such as Scaling Up Nutrition (SUN), is evidence of this progress and validation of the robust body of evidence being produced.
The result of the mineral contents of the formulated complementary foods is presented in Table 5. The result of the formulations showed significant (P<0.05) difference. The iron content ranged from 0.98±0.02 to 24.03±0.02. MPW703 had the highest iron content of 24.03±0.02 and RPW 001 had the least value of 0.98±0.02. Samples that were fortified with cowpea and carrot had higher minerals content than unfortified samples. However, complementary food formulations that contained malted sorghum cultivars and were fortified with cowpea and carrots had higher mineral contents than complimentary food formulations than with roasted Chakalari and pelpeli complementary foods. Malting has significantly improved the minerals  of the formulated complementary foods as obtained from the results. The minerals obtained from the complementary foods perform specific function in the human body. Calcium helps in bone development and its deficiency can lead to improper development of bone in growing children leading to various deformities of the skeletal systems . Calcium contributes towards bone and teeth formation, muscle contraction and blood clotting. Iron is necessary for the prevention of aneamia. Zinc function as a nutrient and dietary supplement. It is believed to be necessary for nucleic acid metabolism, ‘protein synthesis and cell growth.
Milk products vary significantly from region to region and among countries in the same re- gion, depending on available technology, di- etary habits, and cultural norms. Until now, the per capita consumption of milk and milk prod- ucts has been greater in high-income coun- tries. But this gap, vis-à-vis developing coun- tries, is shrinking as incomes are rising, popu- lations are growing and more people are mov- ing to cities. This growing demand for milk and milk products offers an opportunity for produc- ers (and other actors in the dairy chain) in high- potential, peri-urban areas to enhance their livelihoods through increased production.
In Tukums the stakeholder involvement in strategy development since 2011 has been a series of con- sultation and interaction activities. At the beginning public consultations were focused on establishing the aims of the strategy and involved the municipal council, school directors, teachers, kindergartens, school catering enterprises, and a local hospital. In the next round farmers and processing companies from the region became involved. Certain groups of stakeholders, like persons dependent on social aid, senior citizens, young parents, and retailers, were more difficult to engage. As the strategy be- came more developed and priority areas were identified, new public food procurement principles and guidelines were produced and discussed. This round of consultation focused on criteria of procure- ment and organization of supplies and involved mostly market actors like local farmers and agricul- tural cooperatives, as well as farm advisory services and procurement consultants.
Policymakers have usually ignored the importance of rural- urban interdependence, or attempted to curb it, as in the case of migration. Inevitably the living conditions of lower- and middle-income groups have worsened. As a first step, policy- makers need to identify and soften or eliminate policies that have a negative impact on rural-urban linkages. The next step is trickier because rural-urban linkages are highly context- dependent. Policies based on generalizations about the scale and nature of linkages have usually failed. Local government can play an important role in addressing local needs and prior- ities, but action at the local level generally must be supported at the regional and national levels. This support includes man- aging natural resources while responding to both urban and rural demands; assisting local economies by providing physical and social (health and education) infrastructure; and facilitating the efforts of low-income households to make a living by draw- ing on a variety of resources, including migration.
data from three rounds of a national household budget survey in Tunisia and showed a sharp rural-urban gradient in the consumption of traditional durum wheat products, which are being replaced in urban areas by soft-wheat bread. Meat, poultry, fish, and milk products were all consumed more frequently by small-town and, especially, large-city dwellers. In Burkina Faso, rice accounted for 35 to 46 percent of the cereal expenditures of residents of the capital city (all income groups) compared to insignificant amounts in three different rural areas of the country; and in Kenya, “quasi-urban” groups devoted a proportion of their total cereal expenditures to bread (as opposed to maize) that was threefold greater than agricultural households of similar incomes (Kennedy and Reardon 1994). Finally, in a weighed intake study in Bangladesh, urban slum dwellers consumed more oils, leafy vegetables, pulses, and potatoes than a predominantly landless group of rural peasants, but consumed less cereals and other vegetables (Hassan and Ahmad 1991). Similar findings have been reported from Brazil, Turkey, and Pakistan (Pinstrup-Andersen 1986; Gencaga 1985; Pakistan 1979; all quoted in Popkin and Bisgrove 1988).
Figure 1 maps out some of these relationships at the household level in a very simple way. The resources at a household’s disposal comprise both human capabil- ities—skills, education, and the ability to work (including the availability of work as well as the health and nutritional status of workers)—and other assets such as natural resources, savings and financial resources, and the web of social relations in which members of the household engage. Decisions regarding how these resources are mobilized and allocated and the activities that result from these decisions con- stitute livelihood strategies. They include not only activities that directly earn in- come, but also the coping strategies used when normal income-generating activities fail or are inadequate for sufficient outcomes. And they include other household ac- tivities that do not generate income but are necessary for achieving welfare. The in- come, however much or little, resulting from these activities must then be allocated to competing demands, consumption, investment, or savings in order to achieve de- sired outcomes, which include the basic needs depicted in Figure 1: food security, nutrition, health, water, shelter, education, and a healthful environment. Desired out- comes also include other, less tangible variables including social relationships and participation in community activities. The outcomes achieved in one time period have a direct effect on the assets that an individual or household can utilize in the
been highlighted as a critical element in many positive ‘stories of change’ or country case stud- ies of rapid improvements in nutritional status and food security. In some policy fora, the focus has been directed towards the need for higher- level political leadership on malnutrition. But research has also now highlighted the import- ance of leadership throughout nutrition, agri- culture, and foodsystems and in particular the role of individuals working at ground level, as well as these executive levels, who collectively contribute to the functioning of systemic leader- ship (Nisbett et al., 2015). Such individuals tend to be adaptive, strategic boundary spanners (Pelletier et al., 2018) or, more simply, those who make the effort both to understand and to speak the language of others. Given the multi-causal and systemic nature of malnutrition, this pro- cess of translation is most effective when it is genuinely multisectoral and politically savvy.
David Atkin (2013) pointed out that the food expenditure patterns in different regions are very different, and the family is not to maximize the nutrition, but it seems to show a preference for a particular food. In the paper, he mentioned a glance at the food consumption data showed that two kinds of facts. First, the food expenditure patterns in different regions are very different. Just like in the Indian, West Bengal will be 48 percent of rice and 5 percent of wheat ethnic food expenditure households in 1987-1988. Despite similar prices in Rajasthan, the families of their food costs are thirty percent of wheat and one percent of rice. Research can see a huge difference between those regions. Secondly, the family is not to maximize the nutrition, but it seems to show a preference for a certain kind of food. If the average family in West Bengal is in the same family in Rajasthan, it will get more than twenty-three percent of the cost. These unrealized nutritional gains are striking given that over 50 percent of children in West Bengal classified as underweight around this time, and presumably, these additional calories would have brought nutritional benefits.