introduction of the development plans time and again in the late 1980s and the 1990s 63 . The trend was the same at District level where the Rural District Development Committees (RDDC) sounded the same as their provincial counterparts. So the neglect of the Provincial Plan by Central Government meant a neglect of district development. This reveals how „internal colonialism‟ subject those „colonized‟ to the status of second class citizens as projects come top-down without consultation with the beneficiaries. As Ferguson (1990) argued, this does not result in tackling the problems bedeviling the would-be beneficiaries. Hansen and Stepputat (2001) also argue that hegemony also works through the development of technocratic programmes and institutions that govern by virtue of routines, internal bureaucratic logics, and allotted resources without being directed by political forces in any strict sense (2001:27). This „bureaucratic hegemony „ as illustrated by the sentiments of the provincial planners in Matabeleland earlier on, may have been deliberately done to frustrate the development endeavour of the region by national central government bureaucrats. For instance, the construction of Mtshabezi dam was done without consulting the locals and henceforth regarded as a national project depriving locals‟ of access to its water. This has resulted in the dam being a white elephant, fifteen years on since locals do not see its value, instead complain that it has impacted negatively on their downstream activities such as nutrition gardens and water for livestock. The state has of late proposed to construct a pipeline that would link this dam with Umzingwane dam and supply the city of Bulawayo some one hundred kilometres away. This shows how central planning and indeed top down approaches to rural development subject locals to the agony of state power and authority. The introduction of the FTLRRP, like the previous landresettlement models enforced in Matabeleland have seen conflict between communal residents and those resettled. The conflict in this region is compounded by the fact that residents of this region prefer a model that focuses specifically on decongesting communal areas in terms of livestock, not people. The FTLRRP as shall be seen in the following chapter still gives limited attention to livestock grazing land. Suffice to note that the A1 model is unacceptable to most residents of southernMatabeleland, but because the programme is top-down, residents have found themselves deprived of grazing land when resettlement took place people were settled on farms adjacent to their communal areas. Furthermore, these communities prior to the FTLRRP, used to lease
In Zimbabwe before 1890, land belonged to the black people of Africa, who practiced crop rotation as well as animal husbandry on nomadic basis. Zimbabwe’s armed struggle was crystallised around unacceptable levels of white oppression and deprivation of blacks from land. According to Weiss (1991), during colonial period, blacks were removed from Zimbabwe’s fertile soils and resettled in arid areas such as Gwai and Shangani in Matabeleland. Oppressive Land Husbandry Act, Land Apportionment Act, Land Tenure Act and many others were colonial tools of unjustified land grabbing with whites settling on fertile soils and blacks in reserves. Alexander (2006) notes that, there were still highly visible racial divisions of land after independence with roughly 6 000white farmers owning approximately 42% of the land in the country and high populations of blacks were still located in communal areas. Moyo (1995), explained that despite population increase, the figure of 162 000 households to be resettled by the government soon after independence, remained the planning target more than ten years after it was proposed. These disparities in land distribution and continuous food shortages in communal areas motivated the Fasttrackresettlement in Zimbabwe which triggered equal land distribution (Alexander, 2006). The FastTrackLandReformProgramme (FTLRP) started in July 2000, with vicious invasions of white owned large scale commercial farms (LSCFs) According to Zikhali (2009), the Government of Zimbabwe passed legislation to institutionalise the FTLRP and adopted two key implementation models, namely A1 and A2 Models. The landreformprogramme aimed at achieving land equity through rural development schemes such as resettlement, a strategy hoped to ensure food security in Zimbabwe through improved livelihoods (Magaramombe, 2010).
References .................................................................................................................................................................................... 132 Landreform has always been a contentious issue in Zimbabwe mainly because of the methods used to acquire land. The landreform process began in 1979 after the signing of the Lancaster house agreement in an effort to equitably distribute land between the black and minority whites. The market based approach was used in the early phases of landreform and later on, the government led compulsory land acquisition called the Fasttracklandreformprogramme. This study was aimed at investigating the impact of the fasttracklandreformprogramme at Woodlands resettlement in Hwange, Matabeleland north province. The researcher assumed that resettlement was carried out on what was formerly a game reserve. The geography of the area does not favour crop farming. Soils are deficient in plant nutrients and rainfall is below 650mm and yet Zimbabwelandreform emphasized poverty alleviation. The study was conducted using the qualitative research approach. A case study was chosen as a research design. Questionnaires were developed and distributed to 30 respondents drawn from Woodlands resettlement using simple random sampling technique. The findings revealed that people were resettled in what was formerly a game reserve and this has resulted in human- wildlife conflict. There are mixed feelings about the impact of landreform on livelihoods at Woodlands. It is recommended that the government should step in and prioritise infrastructure development in the area. The absence of a clinic, secondary school serviced road and other social services need urgent attention as these factors are important in poverty alleviation.
Williamson (1990) defined cadastral reform as that process concerned with improving the operation, efficiency, effectiveness and performance of a cadastral system in a state or jurisdiction. The definition challenges the quality of service delivered by institutions that form part of the cadastral product value chain. The Bogor declaration (1996) reiterates the need for efficiency, security and affordability of land rights adjudication, land transfer and mutation processes for the overall success of cadastral systems. Thus cadastral reform initiatives must be part of any system if it is to be spared from degradation. Otherwise modern society will challenge the practise if customer expectations are not met.
Looking across the three cases and the changes observed since landreform in 2000, what have been the major themes emerging? In important respects, the experiences of the three small towns have been different over the past 20 years. Mvurwi’s growth has been driven by the tobacco boom following landreform, while Chatsworth has benefited from the growth of maize and vegetable production, but also the presence of popular churches in the area. Maphisa has grown thanks to the cattle and mining economy, which is now more locally rooted involving many landreform farmers. In all cases, these new economic activities have resulted in important changes in these small towns, although the precise dynamics depends on demographic patterns, the nature of the linked agricultural value chains and the availability of and access to alternative markets. Transformations of rural–urban linkages are therefore highly contingent and context-dependent (Lazaro et al. 2019 ). In this section, we highlight four cross-cutting themes that characterise the new dynamics of small towns in Zim- babwe’s post-landreform setting across the cases.
The state of the media in Zimbabwe today can only be seen and understood through the lens of the historical developments that took place in the last hundred years. These developments, occasioned by the political, economic and cultural forces at play during the colonial and post- independence epochs, have had a lasting impression on the mass media in the country (Moyo, 2003: 1). Therefore, in order to understand the Zimbabwean press as it obtains today, this section interrogates the politics surrounding the construction of Zimbabwe history. An understanding of the production of Zimbabwe history is imperative for this study as it brings to light how Zimbabwean identity is being constructed and where the Ndebele position themselves within that discourse. The central argument is that, “history plays a central role in defining both individual and group identities” (Weedon, 2004: 28). Therefore, as national histories merge, Ndlovu-Gatsheni argues that, “the history of the state and its people is remembered selectively giving prominence to fragments of history that promote the goals of those in power” (2007: 25) while side-lining those accounts that do not fit within the
Resettlement as a development discourse has become a worldwide phenomenon. This phenomenon is mainly caused by population pressure, war or prolonged hostilities between countries or groups within the country, irreversible environmental degradation and development projects. While there are diverse causes of resettlement situations, this study focused on state sponsored resettlement programmes caused by socio-economic, political and environmental problems in Amhara and the southern regions of Ethiopia. The main objective of this empirical study was to analyse the effects of planned government intra-regional resettlementprogramme on the sustainable livelihoods of resettled households in Ethiopia. The central research question was: Does a planned intra-regional resettlementprogramme provide sustainable livelihoods for settler households in the two selected regions of Ethiopia? If it does, what chain of factors explains the livelihood security and sustainability? If it does not, what are the interacting variables and how have they generated a process of livelihood insecurity? To this end, the combination of Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) and Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) models were used as the pillars of the theoretical and conceptual framework of the study. Mixed method design that combines both quantitative and qualitative data from primary and secondary sources were used in this study. Primary data were collected through a household survey, key informants interview, focus group discussion and field observation. A total of 250 households were surveyed and a total of 28 interviewees were contacted from the two regions. A total of 6 focus group discussions were also conducted with purposively selected participants. This study concludes that the effects of planned resettlement on the sustainable livelihoods of resettlers were mixed and challenged the generic representation of the scheme as a success or a failure. The adverse effects were mainly due to policy gaps, the mismatch between policy and practice, poor inter-sectoral and inter-regional integration and inadequate capacity building efforts. Recommendations were provided in line with these gaps. In addition, the knowledge documented through the application of SLF and IRR in mixed method design contributed to the methodological and theoretical advancement of resettlement and livelihood studies.
This merely echoes what was observed above about the relative (and increasing) marginality of central-north Limpopo’s commercial agriculture sector from a livelihoods perspective. Moreover, to the extent that LRAD succeeded in allowing the continuity of large-scale commercial farming, it also perpetuated unequal social relations between owners and workers. In other words, LRAD projects tend to maintain a strict class-based, farm management hierarchy that is absent in SLAG-based projects and perhaps helps to explain why they fail as commercial farms. In other words, where the LSCF model is applied to landreform, it imposes an invidious choice between non-functional equity (SLAG) or functional inequity (LRAD). In a sense, restitution projects tend to be extreme versions of SLAG-based projects, characterized by continuity with previous land use, but with beneficiary numbers that are large even by the standards of SLAG. Another typical feature of restitution projects in central-north Limpopo is that they have taken on ‘strategic partners’ as a means of ensuring good management, in the absence of which large group size would be especially destabilizing, But this again is predicated on maintaining the LSCF model in place, rather than seeking ways of altering land use to suit the needs and capabilities of beneficiaries. The exception noted above, of Munzhedzi, can perhaps be partially explained by the fact there was no prior commercial farming enterprise to maintain – the land had been effectively idle. Moreover, the lack of effective control by the CPA committee allowed a more spontaneous expression of need, namely land for homesteads with productive conditions for gardening and some smallholder
To have noticeable positive results in the fisheries sector the Government of Zimbabwe needs to integrate aquaculture into the country’s existing farming systems so as to enhance rural agricultural development, employment and income generation through additional and diversification of off-season production activities aimed at boosting levels of disposable incomes among families and improve food security and nutrition situations in such areas. A well-planned capture fisheries sector can unlock the potential of the enterprise hence can become recognizable vehicle for development programs and facilitate job creation, smooth household income flows, and increased farm efficiency and sustainability at village level. It is therefore imperative that the study sought to explore viability challenges facing artisanal capture fisheries upsetting their sustainability and explore opportunities likely to reverse the current situation and restore sanity in sector. The study which was conducted in Binga district of Matabeleland north province examined the virtues of community management of capture fisheries and interrogated its potential as a panacea for employment and a stable source of income for fishing communities in Zimbabwe.
land transfers between the communal and commercial sectors. Theoretically, the consistent fall in actual GDP translates to a fall in per capita income and therefore a collapse in demand. The consistent depreciation in the exchange rate caused by a dwindling export base had an effect on the price incentives which influenced farmer responses, and therefore area planted, which in turn affected production. There is also the influence of rainfall on production which has been widely debated in the literature. Then, during the same period, there were on-going land transfers between the communal and commercial sectors, whose composition affects yield and output. Important to note is that land transfers between the communal and commercial sectors were still going to occur even if the ‘fasttrack’ landreformprogramme was not implemented because there still existed a framework for land acquisition before 2000. The model therefore attempted to unpack each of these aspects under two scenarios. The scenario presented below, called the ‘fasttrack’ landreform scenario, compares the re- simulated baseline against actual outcomes to show the impact of the policy on the maize sector taking into account the effects of rainfall, exchange rate and per capita income.
Heavy investment on the land was evident in the new farm: land had been cleared, livestock had been purchased, equipment and transport (cars) have been purchased, extensive building with permanent materials like brick and zinc roofing had taken place, footpaths and roads for cars had been cleared. A change in status of physical capital provided a good indicator of improved household welfare and these changes had been confirmed across the nation in similar farm settlements by various studies (Scoones et. al., 2011, Matondi and Dekker 2011, Mutopo 2011, Mandizvidza unpublished). There were no nearby schools and health facilities, but the community was in the process of building Zvavashe Secondary and Kushinga Primary schools near Yorks Business Centre. The two schools were already in operation although not yet completed due to financial constraints because they were financed by the community. The nearest Chingezi Clinic was more than 10 kilometers away. Water had been a major constraint to all households because the community was heavily dependent on boreholes for their domestic and livestock needs and these were few, and they broke down often due to overuse and were inadequate. Worse still 43 per cent of the households didn’t have alternative sources of water, thus forcing women to walk long distances in search of water during the dry season. Findings also showed that this community was in a dire hygienic distressed situation considering that 57 per cent of interviewed households used the bush or open defecation systems as their toilet facilities. Deforestation was likely to be accelerated considering that 100 per cent households used firewood for cooking and heating. The vibrant Yorks Business Centre serviced the community and was fast growing into a Rural Service Centre, which provided most of the basic infrastructure and services while its growth was fueled by the community’s farming and off-farming income generating activities. Such centres may be the answer to the rural growth point concept – which was conceived way ahead of time when the conditions and the environment were not yet conducive.
as s es s ment of t hi s s ens or s pr oduct s as t he bas i s f or nat i onwi de l and us e cl as s i f i cat i on appr oaches i n t he cont ext of l and t enur e change. The publ i cat i on “ Eval uat i ng cr op ar ea mappi ng f r om MODI S t i me- s er i es as an as s es s ment t ool f or Zi mbabwe' s ' Fas t Tr ack Land Ref or m Pr ogr amme' ” , cont ai ns a s ect i on of expl i ci t and det ai l ed ar gument at i on why t he het er ogeneous l and us e and cl i mat e of Zi mbabwe' s hi nder a cl as s i f i cat i on bas ed on MODI S t i me- s er i es . Jus t as t he knowl edge of Zi mbabwe' s geogr aphi cal s et t i ng i s i mpor t ant t o cr i t i cal l y eval uat e met hods of r emot e s ens i ng, an over vi ew of t he count r y’ s hi s t or y i s es s ent i al t o under s t and t he i mpor t ance of t he pol i t i cal i s s ue ' l and' whi ch i s pi cked out as a cent r al t heme i n t he publ i cat i on “ Br i ng Back t he Land” - A Cal l t o Ref ocus on t he Spat i al Di mens i on of Zi mbabwe’ s Land Ref or m. Thi s i nt r oduct or y s ect i on t her ef or e ai ms t o pr ovi de t hes e over vi ews as a s et of t ool s t o context ual i ze r es ear ch t opi c, met hods and r es ul t s . I t does not ai m t o pr ovi de a det ai l ed s chol ar l y pi ece on Zi mbabwe, but s hal l r at her gi ve a gener al out l ook t o t he het er ogeneous phys i cal envi r onment ( chapt er 3) and t he l and ques t i on of t he count r y ( chapt er 4) , as wel l as t o t he bas i c concept s of mappi ng l and cover and i t s change ( chapt er 5) .
When I got this plot, I did not expect to find gold. I was one of the farmers who were struggling to make the best use of the land. In a discussion with my neighbours, they indicated to me that there were possibilities of finding gold on our land because of the type of the soil. I asked my son to find out about how we would know if there was gold here. He came back with good news. I wanted to keep this a secret so that the makorokoza would not know about availability of gold here. I invited my family to come and dig. To our surprise, we did not have to dig very deep before we started finding the gold. I enquired with my neighbour, he was digging discreetly as well. I investigated about the markets for the gold. There were people who could buy it for cash on the black market. Their rates were not very good compared to selling to the government. The problem with selling to the government is that they would need a permit and also they have so many charges. So I decided to sell the gold on the black market. On my first transaction, I made about USD10 000. This was a lot of money but I had a lot of obligations that I had to meet. I managed to pay the outstanding fees for my daughter at Midlands State University. I also managed to put a security wall on my house in Mbizvo suburb. On my other transactions, the money I got varied but I managed to buy my wife a fridge that she had always wanted in her kitchen. I replaced old sofas which were in my house there. I brought the old ones here at the plot. With the second and third times, I can’t remember but I think I got about USD8 000 dollars after about a month or so. The money I got the fourth time, I bought a family car that I am still using. The amounts kept reducing until the last time I made USD300 dollars. The problem with lower amounts is that I would not be able to pay the guys who were digging for me. The gold is still there but requires sophisticated equipment I do not have. Am hoping that I will be able to make more money from farming so that I can buy the equipment I need (In-depth Interview, 24/06/2015, Male, A2 Farmer, Sherwood Block).
inflation was reduced from multiple digits to a single digit and positive economic growth has been recorded following the formation of an inclusive government by the country’s two major political parties “government of national unity” after intense regional pressure and an aborted second round of the 2008 elections. However, the adoption of these multiple currencies also created complex challenges for an economy, which was basically agro based before the adoption of numerous reforms which were retrogressive to industrialisation and the country’s economic development. Of late the economy has been showing signs of distress characterized by the liquidity challenges and closure or downsizing of companies and industries in urban centres leading to high unemployment rate and severe poverty among the generality of the population. The study therefore endeavoured to solicit people’s perceptions on the effectiveness of dollarization in achieving targeted outcomes of restoring and boosting the fragile economy of Zimbabwe; but with particular reference to Bulawayo, a city once dubbed the industrial hub of the SADC region.
The feminist theory attributes gender inequality and the subordinate position of women in the society to patriarchy (Beasley, 1999; Tong, 2009). They view the system of male domination as entrenching unequal power relations by putting women in an inferior position (Alston, 1995). Feminists advocates for gender equality in all facets of life and maintains a position that, people’s access to resources and privilege should not be determined by their biological orientation of being men or women but should be determined equally by citizenship (ibid.). Land redistribution is faced by a reality whereby women continue to be minority owners of land (See Walker, 2003; Walker, 2005). The literature informs that in many parts of the world where landreform has taken place women have remained marginalised by such processes and have remained unable to attain independent land ownership rights. Women need independent land rights for their economic and social well-being (ibid.). Independent ownership and control of land by women guarantees them tenure security and improve their level of agency in social relations of power and decision-making circles. 15 A question ought to be probed why women have remained marginalised in terms of land ownership? Therefore, a gender discourse brings relevance in explaining factors underlying such inequalities.
opportunities are limited. Land-based, agricultural livelihoods are an important alternative, where some opportunities for accumulation do exist. This requires entrepreneurship, improvisation and the deployment of new skills for production and marketing.
In the past, the route to becoming established as an independent adult was often marriage and getting a piece of land. Men would be allocated plots by a local traditional leader, while women would marry and move to their husband’s area, farming on the plot. Today, the certainty of marriage or gaining land is not there. Many must just wait, existing in limbo, living with parents. They may invest effort in developing a ‘project’ on their parents’ farm, doing piecework locally, or migrating elsewhere in search of often very temporary jobs. The stress of the ‘waithood’ - not getting a job, not having land, not being able to set up an independent home, not being able to afford to marry (for men) or being pushed into early marriage (for women) - is a common theme across the cohort case studies. For many this is a challenge to self-esteem, to identity and personhood. Without recognition according to the norms of society (and the elder generation), a feeling of failure, generating stress, is apparent. Young men in particular frequently reflected, with a sense of shame, on their drink and drug habits.
The events that precipitated the fasttracklandreformprogramme have become the focus of major academic and political debates. Significant literature exists analysing the farm occupations and fasttracklandreform process that emerged in Zimbabwe from the year 2000 and that led to the creation of A1 and A2 resettlement farms through redistribution. One school of thought argues that landreform was instigated by war veterans as part of ZANU- PF‘s official campaign strategy for the 2000 elections and as a response to the dwindling support for the party as shown by the results of the February 2000 referendum on the state- sponsored constitution (Alexander 2006; Cousins 2003; Hammar and Raftopoulos 2003; Shaw 2003; Zimbabwe Liberators Platform 2004). An opposing perspective views the land occupations in 2000 as part of a longer-term and clearly identifiable land occupation movement in post-independent Zimbabwe (Andrew and Sadomba 2006; Moyo 2002; Moyo and Yeros 2005; Sadomba 2008). In this regard, Sadomba (2008:145) notes that whether the occupations fit the sociological category of a social movement, or they were just a political ploy by ZANU-PF (and a moribund ruling oligarchy) trying to cling to political power, has aroused emotive debate. The first school of thought therefore argues that the land occupations do not have characteristics of a social movement. This argument is based on an analysis and synthesis of the role played by the state including alleged high levels of violence associated with the occupations (Hammar and Raftopoulos 2003). The second school of thought (linked to the work of Sam Moyo) claims that there is a long history of land occupations in Zimbabwe, and that the fasttrack occupations differ only in form but not in content in relation to previous rounds of land invasions.
13 strongly affected than species such as lions, whose populations are concentrated in protected areas. This combination of potential steep population declines and disrupted connectivity throughout the Greater Limpopo Transfrontier Park, brought about by resettlement removing corridors and links between national parks, calls into question the viability of the remaining populations of some species in Zimbabwe; relatively large populations of up to several thousand individuals are thought to be required in order to maintain genetic viability (Crooks, 2002; Lande, 1995). In addition to affecting wildlife populations, the FTLRP is likely to have resulted in wide scale loss of the jobs (Lindsey et al., 2013a; Lindsey, Roulet & Romañach, 2007), community benefits (Le Bel et al., 2013), food security (Cumming, 2005) and income through tourism (Naidoo et al., in press) or hunting (Lindsey et al., 2006) associated with the wildlife industry.
Under the new land policy, mandatory consultations had to be done with local communities in every single application for natural resource rights in rural areas.. The consultation process however, did not sometimes take place, while other consultations would take place without the concerned of some community members and little or no information regarding existing land rights or applications was given to the community groups. While the Mozambican land law emerged from a consultative and democratic process, and includes a number of progressive provisions, more focused support is needed in order to actually empower local communities to use the provisions of the land law both to defend their land and to promote local development. In the absence of this support and coordination from the state, beneficiaries are increasingly being left on their own to negotiate and consult with investors and the private sectors, including large agribusiness transnationals. There are numerous cases of beneficiaries who have effectively lost their land to these agents because they did not understand the implications or terms of agreement (Tilley, 2007).
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees/UNHCR (2006)has also defined resettlement as theprocess which commences with the selection and transportation of people and continues through to their reception and integration in the host community due to various factors. Besides, resettlement has been defined as the phenomenon of population redistribution either in planned or spontaneous manner; relocating people in areas other than their own for the purpose of converting transient populations, nomadic pastoralists, transhumant or shifting cultivators to a new way of life based on sedentary forms of agricultural production(Dessalegn, 2003). Two main features characterize resettlement: ‘A movement of population; and an element of planning and control as reported by Chambers cited in (Pankhurst, 1992). It refers to a variety of migration and settlement types and can be broadly categorized in to two: spontaneous, which leaves full scope for individual initiatives; and involuntary or forced, which refers to a planned and controlled transfer of people from one area to another(Wolde Selassie, 2002). Similarly, as Tadros (1979), there are two types of land settlement which conceptualized as spontaneous and paternalistic. According to him, the formerincludes individual initiatives in resettlement, while the second is characterized by planned and controlled relocation. Besides, Scudder (1991)indicates that the distinction between spontaneous and sponsored settlers has nothing to do with the reasons or motivation for leaving the original residence for a new settlement area. (Cernea, 1999)describes that the resettlement executions involving the planned and controlled transfer of people from one area to another are undertaken throughout the developing countries in order to solve multiple problems