Top PDF War and Peace in International Islamic Finance

War and Peace in International Islamic Finance

War and Peace in International Islamic Finance

In the 1980s, three countries adopted mandatory “Islamization” programs in their banking sectors: Iran, Pakistan, and Sudan. As a matter of policy, these countries felt that their banking sectors must be entirely Islamic, and edicts to this effect were issued. The mandatory and swift nature of such Islamization initiatives led, however, to unintended consequences – one of which was the superficial “conversion” of banks without sufficiently changing their product structures and operations. Often, customers saw no change in their experience except that names and labels were changed (for example, calling something a “profit rate” rather than an “interest rate”), without sufficiently changing the underlying product. Even though forced Islamization has been revoked in Pakistan and conventional banks have long since dropped the Islamic labels, strongly negative impressions of Islamic banking have persisted among customers who witness the “window-dressing” approach. Some assume that all Islamic banks’ claims of Shariah compliance are as weak as those of the banks that adopted window dressing out of regulatory necessity. This assumption continues to act as a barrier to the growth of Islamic finance in certain countries.
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Making War and Securing Peace:  The Viability of Peace Enforcement as a Mechanism for Promoting and Securing Civil War Termination

Making War and Securing Peace: The Viability of Peace Enforcement as a Mechanism for Promoting and Securing Civil War Termination

My thesis argues that peace enforcement operations have a clear causal effect upon both civil war termination, and the effectiveness of settlement implementation in their immediate aftermath. I argue that the causal mechanisms through which peace enforcement motivates belligerents to (a) genuinely agree to a ceasefire or negotiated settlement and (b) demobilize and abide by the terms of that settlement is by (1) counterbalancing belligerent military advantage and raising the cost of war and/or relative benefits of peace; (2) enforcing a settlement’s terms by making reneging more costly and providing the security guarantee necessary to prevent belligerents from taking advantage of their opponent’s compliance; and (3) establishing momentum in the DDR of belligerents so that a follow-on peacekeeping operation can be deployed successfully. My argument is premised upon a model of interaction between a government and rebel groups that entails mutual distrust and interrelated commitment problems that prevent belligerents from rationally committing to either (a) or (b) as cited above. This chapter begins by providing a brief overview of peace enforcement’s historical development before outlining a theoretical model of belligerent interaction in civil war and engaging in a review of the existing literature on peace support operations and third party intervention more generally. Qualitative literature will be explored first, followed by quantitative studies of civil war termination, peace support operations, and situational difficulty.
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The war over 'Perpetual Peace': An exploration into the history of a foundational international relations text

The war over 'Perpetual Peace': An exploration into the history of a foundational international relations text

A Dutch innkeeper once put this satirical inscription on his signboard, along with the picture of a graveyard. We shall not trouble to ask whether it applies to men in general, or particularly to heads of state (who can never have enough of war) , or only to the philosophers who blissfully dream of perpetual peace. The author of the present essay does, however, make one reservation in advance. The practical politician tends to look down with great complacency upon the political theorist as a mere academic. The theorist's abstract ideas, the practitioner believes, cannot endanger the state, since the state must be founded upon principles of experience; it thus seems safe to let him fire off his whole broadside, and the worldly-wise statesman need not turn a hair. It thus follows that if the practical politician is to be consistent, he must not claim, in the event of a dispute with the theorist, to scent any danger to the state in the opinions which the theorist has randomly uttered in public. By this saving clause, the author of this essay will consider himself expressly safeguarded, in correct and proper style, against all malicious
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War and Peace in Time and Space

War and Peace in Time and Space

and war, there are two different kinds of time: wartime and peacetime. Wartime and peacetime are sequential, so that time is viewed as linear and episodic, moving from one kind of time to another (from wartime to peacetime to wartime, etc.). Law is thought to be affected by what time it is—with strong protection of rights and weaker government power in peace, and with weaker protection of rights and stronger government power in war. The relationship between citizen and state, the scope of rights, and the extent of government power are thought to depend on whether it is wartime or peacetime. In this conceptualization, peace essentially functions as the reset button, bringing us back to what we imagine to be the “normal,” non- war state of affairs. 21
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WAR AND PEACE IN AFRICA

WAR AND PEACE IN AFRICA

This course aims to provide students with a broad set of analytic tools that will enable a better comprehension of dilemmas evolving war and peace in and within the African continent. One of the main goals of the course is to arise critical reflexion drawing from the study of empirical academic work and the analysis of case studies. Other methodological/pedagogical supports such as documentaries, Ngo’s reports and press articles will be introduced to arise discussion among students. The first part of the course will offer a broad review of the theoretical approaches to war and peace, which underpin the study of conflict and post-conflict societies in Africa. The second part will cover a range of academic issues that are essential to the understanding of the various natures of conflict and peace building strategies in Africa such as: war and state building, conflict and state failure, African guerrillas, child soldiers, political economy of war, liberal peacebuilding and state reconstruction, transitional justice. Assignments and evaluation
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Peace, Terrorism, Armed Conflict and War Crimes

Peace, Terrorism, Armed Conflict and War Crimes

Now that we have defined peace and terrorism, we can see how these definitions relate to each other. If we follow a strict interpretation of Galtung’s negative peace – being the absence of violence and war – it cannot be aligned with terrorism, which is inherently violent. This strict interpretation would mean, however, that we can never truly speak of negative peace as violence is present in virtually all communities. What negative peace rather refers to is the absence of war or armed conflict, or more frequent and intense occurrences of organized violence. In the previous paragraph, we have shown that terrorism can occur both within and outside the context of armed conflict. Before we delve deeper into the issue of terrorism within armed conflicts, we can establish that terrorism can indeed take place within a situation of negative peace. In fact, this confirms the view of terrorism being the peace-time equivalent of war crimes. Terrorism does not necessarily have to be linked to an armed conflict. More contentious is the question to what extent terrorism can also be aligned with the definition of positive peace. As explained, positive peace is linked to ideas and values such as social justice, equality and respect. The crux here is that terrorist organisations often claim to act in response to social injustice, discrimination, and other concepts that are related to structural (indirect) violence. Extrapolating Galtung’s later inclusion of “harmony” into positive peace to the discussion on terrorism would mean that these grievances do not necessarily have to be based on real facts, or even be truly experienced by the terrorists. The mere expression and references to these grievances could arguably be seen as some form of disharmony within a society. They could form proof of the absence of positive peace. This strict interpretation, again, would mean that we can almost never speak of positive peace, as there is always some extent of disharmony in most societies.
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John Wyclif on War and Peace

John Wyclif on War and Peace

The third traditional condition for a ‘just’ war, that of correct intention, would also be rejected. Here, one senses, the author has greater sympathy with Wyclif’s views, although these too ran contrary to traditional thinking. How, the question was (and remains), could ‘proper intention’ be measured, and appropriate and proportionate actions defined? Certainly not as one might measure a solid or a liquid. The reality of action might not live up to the most moral of intentions: too much depended upon the humanitas of the soldiery, notorious for its lack of discipline. If judged by the excessive actions of those involved in fighting, might the spirit of ‘proper intention’ not be lost? Here Wyclif was reflecting not only his own views but something of those of the wider society in which he lived. It can be no coincidence that his age, increasingly aware of the unhappy experiences of the non-combatant, was coming to see the actions of the soldiery as harsh, cruel and excessive, lacking the spirit of caritas upon which Wyclif placed such great emphasis. When Chaucer cited the line ‘Radix malorum est cupiditas’, the condemnation of greed which it reflected summed up the feeling of many regarding the undisciplined behaviour of contemporary soldiery. Wyclif will have had much support for his view that, in the light of the principles of what is termed ius in bello, the actions of soldiers, vis-à-vis the non-combatant in particular, should be much more tightly controlled. If not, the spirit of caritas would be all too easily diluted, before disappearing altogether. While Augustine had argued that it was not necessarily against charity to kill a man in the pursuit of peace, thus making violence aimed at securing justice permissible, Wyclif taught that it was the exercise of caritas, not violence, which more easily brought about the state of peace. Violence was not only wrong; it didn’t pay, either.
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The Prosecution Paradox: How the International Criminal Court Affects Civil War Peace Negotiations

The Prosecution Paradox: How the International Criminal Court Affects Civil War Peace Negotiations

41, no. 3 (2004): 275-301; De Rouen Jr, Karl R., and David Sobek. "The dynamics of civil war duration and outcome." Journal of Peace Research 41, no. 3 (2004): 303-320; Bapat, Navin A. "Insurgency and the opening of peace processes." Journal of Peace Research 42, no. 6 (2005): 699-717; Hultquist, Philip. "Power parity and peace? The role of relative power in civil war settlement." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 5 (2013): 623-634; Clayton, Govinda. "Relative rebel strength and the onset and outcome of civil war mediation." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 5 (2013): 609-622; Hartzell, Caroline A. "Settling civil wars: Armed opponents’ fates and the duration of the peace." Conflict Management and Peace Science 26, no. 4 (2009): 347-365; Hartzell, Caroline, Matthew Hoddie, and Donald Rothchild. "Stabilizing the peace after civil war: An investigation of some key variables." International organization 55, no. 1 (2001): 183- 208; Hoddie, Matthew, and Caroline Hartzell. "Signals of reconciliation: Institution-building and the resolution of civil wars." International Studies Review 7, no. 1 (2005): 21-40; Hartzell, Caroline A., and Matthew Hoddie. Crafting peace: Power-sharing institutions and the negotiated settlement of civil wars. Penn State Press, 2007; Glassmyer, Katherine, and Nicholas Sambanis. "Rebel—military integration and civil war termination." Journal of Peace Research 45, no. 3 (2008): 365-384; Werner, Suzanne, and Amy Yuen. "Making and keeping peace." International Organization 59, no. 2 (2005): 261-292; Fortna, Virginia Page. "Scraps of paper? Agreements and the durability of peace." International Organization 57, no. 2 (2003): 337-372; Fortna, Virginia Page. "Does peacekeeping keep peace? International intervention and the duration of peace after civil war." International studies quarterly 48, no. 2 (2004): 269-292; Howard, Lise Morjé. UN peacekeeping in civil wars. Cambridge University Press, 2008; Murdie, Amanda, and David R. Davis. "Problematic potential: The human rights consequences of peacekeeping interventions in civil wars." Hum. Rts. Q. 32 (2010): 49.
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WAR IS IN MINDS OF MEN: ROLE OF PEACE EDUCATION

WAR IS IN MINDS OF MEN: ROLE OF PEACE EDUCATION

Today‟s man is living in the age of violence. Every day, thousands of people are dying in armed as well as in non-armed violence. Everybody is in search of peace. Peace is a state of human mind. Nobody can be trained for peaceful life. It is an inner characterization of mental process. Conflicts reside in human mind and in the absence of conflicting thoughts, peace appears. When it appears inside, it also blossoms outside. Therefore, education is only a way to teach and reach to peace by nourishing the human minds in positive directions. Peace education as being the soul essence of whole human education that can create the shield for human survival on the planet. It is through peace education that men can be trained for tolerance, caring, cooperation and justice and ultimately the peace can be installed in human mind as an antidote to „War is in the minds of men‟. Peace education is a doorway towards a violence free world.
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Transition from Civil War to Peace:  The Role of the United Nations and International Community in Mozambique

Transition from Civil War to Peace: The Role of the United Nations and International Community in Mozambique

There are three main reasons why multilateral peacebuilding missions through the UN should contribute to sustainable peace compared to unilateral peacebuilding missions. First, the UN with high moral authority and international legitimacy can incentivize civil war combatants to cooperate for disarmament, demobilization, and re-integration (DDR) by affecting soldiers’ morale, focusing international attention on non-cooperative groups, and providing direct benefits for cooperation (Fortna, 2008; Doyle & Sambanis, 2006). DDR strategy enables a post-war country to divert both material and human resources allocated to military uses to important and urgent social programs, such as the improvement of education, access to public health services, and decent infrastructure. In this way, it can be argued that a multilateral peacebuilding under the leadership of the UN contributes to the increase of resources available for post-war reconstruction by helping resource diversion and thereby facilitating sustainable peace after war.
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Conspiracy of peace: the cold war, the international peace
movement, and the Soviet peace campaign, 1946 1956

Conspiracy of peace: the cold war, the international peace movement, and the Soviet peace campaign, 1946 1956

The ‘German question’ would continue to be politically expedient after Stalin’s death, when there were renewed calls by Belgian, British, Canadian, French and Italian members of the Council to reform the movement. Five months before the vote on ratifying the EDC treaty in August 1954, French opponents of the treaty organised an international conference of “countries under threat by inclusion in the European Defence Community” on March 20-21. Participants included senators, deputies and political figures, among them the leaders of the French peace movement, such as Laurent Casanova and Gilbert de Chambray, former ministers and others. Also invited were supporters from the Benelux countries, Italy, Germany and England. The main goal of the conference was to speak out against the remilitarisation of Germany by its acceptance into the EDC and to propose a counter-plan. The stance of the chairman of the Conference, Senator Edmno Mischle, was "that the EDC would mean war and the inevitable final catastrophe. Just about anything but this community would be preferable". 336 However, the positions of the speakers were not only unconstructive, but also unrealistic. For example, the German representative, Pastor Herbert Mohalsky, apocalyptically predicted that the "creation of German divisions within the EOC increases the likelihood of civil war in Germany. And a German civil war would inevitably transform the Cold War between East and West Germany into a hot war that will involve all countries." 337 If some spoke of apocalyptic predictions then others would from a legalistic position, demanding that such an agreement should not have been signed, since a military build-up of Germany meant a
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Securing the Peace after a Truce in the War on Inflation

Securing the Peace after a Truce in the War on Inflation

Central bankers in the major industrial economies have come close to securing the peace, or in some cases, have secured it in the battle against inflation, hostilities that lasted almost as long as the Cold War. It is important to remember that this battle has been a good fight: both the theory and the empirics reviewed in this paper support the central tenet of central banking that lower inflation supports faster economic growth. However, the observation that low inflation is associated with a macro- economic benefit does not imply that disinflation should be pursued without limit. A particularly compelling argument in the body of work on the optimal inflation rate is the view that price deflation, or even very low inflation, may pose unacceptable macroeconomic risks given the lower bound of nominal interest rates of zero. Empirical work in this paper suggests that the zero bound is not an artifact of theoreticians but a palpable reality. That said, the perils of the zero bound to nominal interest rates may be seen as less threatening if a central bank is willing to be both aggressive in providing policy accommodation when the economy may be nearing the zero bound and flexible in using the available tools of policy.
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THE ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF WAR AND PEACE

THE ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF WAR AND PEACE

MENA QUARTERLY ECONOMIC BRIEF | ISSUE 6 | JANUARY 2016 6 For 2016 and 17, there may be some improvements in the budgetary situation given their policies to reduce subsidies and cut spending (Box 1). However, while fiscal tightening could help these countries cope with the impact of low oil prices, it may be a drag on real GDP growth next year. Four of the developing oil exporters are mired in civil war or major conflict. Growth in these countries--Syria, Yemen, Libya and Iraq—is not expected to rebound soon, unless there is a peace settlement (Table 1). Furthermore, falling oil prices have severely hit these economies and all are running high fiscal deficits. Libya stands out with a fiscal deficit of over 55.2 percent of GDP. Civil war has badly damaged the Syrian economy. Official data are not available, but estimates from the Syrian Center for Policy Research (SCPR) puts the fiscal deficit at 40.5 percent in 2014 with public debt growing to an unprecedented 147 percent of GDP in the fourth quarter of 2014. Iraq, too, is facing high fiscal deficits. The drop in oil prices together with the high cost of fighting ISIS have resulted in a fiscal deficit of 14.5 percent of GDP in 2015. Growth is estimated to have remained below 1 percent in 2015. Given the ongoing violence and conflict, the economic outlook for both countries remains bleak. The fiscal situation will remain fragile in both countries due to weak oil prices and rising humanitarian and security expenses, together with the forced displacement crisis (see next section).
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On War and Peace in Cyberspace - Security, Privacy, Jurisdiction

On War and Peace in Cyberspace - Security, Privacy, Jurisdiction

safeguards at government agencies tasked with surveillance, as with the recent appointment of a privacy officer at the NSA; (3) redraw the rules for cooperation bet[r]

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Information Overload:  Peace or War with the Computer

Information Overload: Peace or War with the Computer

It is, of course, possible to terminate the search for information while the level of confidence in the "decision" is still low, but the degree of confidence is a quality of a different [r]

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From Just War to False Peace

From Just War to False Peace

Schroeder, The 19th-Century International System: Changes in the Structure, 39 World Pol 1, 2, 10-11 (1986) (arguing that nineteenth century international peace derived mainl[r]

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Situation III: Straits in Peace and War

Situation III: Straits in Peace and War

The Secretary of State is loath to believe that a signatory to that convention would wilfully disregard its treaty obligation, which was manifestly made in the [r]

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The Middle Ground between Peace and War: Sanctions

The Middle Ground between Peace and War: Sanctions

its assessment for the effectiveness of economic sanctions. Deriving from the existing theory this thesis shall outline the framework in which it tests the new cooperative theory, which is outlined in chapter 3. Chapter 4, the final chapter before the empirical findings, outlines the data collection and case study selection. Chapter 5 introduces the sanctions put on the target states, the type of sanctions, and the effectiveness of the sanctions. Chapters 6 and 7 are comprised of the empirical research regarding the research question. The cooperative theory shall test five mechanisms: budget, opposition, type of sanction, commitment to the sanction, and dependence. Chapter 6 outlines the first two mechanisms that are domestic to the target state. Chapter 7 outlines the latter three mechanisms that are international and may also affect the sender state. Each mechanism shall be outlined by an expectation of how the mechanism works, the two case studies (Iran and China), followed by an assessment of the impact of the sanctions via this mechanism. While the theoretical aspect of the thesis expects that economic sanctions are more effective in the cooperative authoritarian state for each mechanism, apart from commitment, the empirical findings through the mechanisms actually show a stronger link to the international factors. The domestic mechanisms do not contribute to the effectiveness of the economic sanctions as the theory would expect. The international mechanisms show a stronger link to effective economic sanctions and the cooperative authoritarian state. Chapter 8 concludes the thesis by answering the research question after all the mechanisms have been analyzed. The expectation is mostly met because the
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Adjusting from war to peace in 1940s Britain

Adjusting from war to peace in 1940s Britain

While there appears to be a growth shortfall which new growth theory cannot fully explain, invoking the bargaining model of productivity could be helpful, i Seen from this perspective, t[r]

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