Top PDF Women’s Work: Labor Market Outcomes and Female Entrepreneurship in Ghana

Women’s Work: Labor Market Outcomes and Female Entrepreneurship in Ghana

Women’s Work: Labor Market Outcomes and Female Entrepreneurship in Ghana

After providing a broad view of the type of people who turn to microen- terprise in the informal labor market to generate income, commonalities, ex- periences and viewpoints of female traders were presented. With IRB ap- proval, the primary investigator conducted interviews and participant obser- vations with 30 market women in Accra’s Makola Market—one of the largest open air markets in the country. Using English language skills as a proxy for skill level, it was determined that most of the female traders (27 of the 30 in- terviewees) were low-skilled or had very few years of formal education. De- spite their limited formal training, the participants were well-versed with contemporary macroeconomic issues and politically engaged citizens. They expressed their concerns about rising inflation and the failure of local and national government to provide them with services such as renovating Mako- la Market despite the payment of VAT and other taxes and fees. High-level market association leaders stress the importance of their organizations for collective action like lobbying government to address border control, provid- ing funding in times of crises, and raising awareness about financing like mi- croloans. They acknowledged that an influx of traders had made trade in the market more challenging and further reduced profits for members.
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Female Schooling, Non-Market Productivity, and Labor Market Participation in Nigeria

Female Schooling, Non-Market Productivity, and Labor Market Participation in Nigeria

However, for the foregoing to provide an adequate explanation for the patterns observed in the Nigerian data, we should observe market wage offer increasing with schooling. 55 Table 7 shows that log wage is positively associated with increasing ‘level of education’, after controlling for age. This smooth positive correlation is not clearly shown in Figures 7-11, when ‘years of schooling’ rather than ‘levels of education’ (primary, secondary, postsecondary) are correlated with log wages. The figures show that in wage employment, mean log wages does not increase with schooling during the first 7 years of schooling. There is, however, an evidence of positive association as we get to higher levels of education. 56 Thus the observed relationship between schooling and women’s labor market participation rate in the first 6 years of schooling may be an indication that the marginal productivity of primary schooling in non-wage work is at least as high as the marginal productivity of schooling in wage employment at levels of schooling below 7 years. Furthermore, as the level of education increases beyond the first 6 years, the marginal productivity of schooling in wage employment appears to exceed the marginal productivity of schooling in non-wage work.
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Where to Work? Gender Differences in Labor Market Outcomes during Economic Crisis

Where to Work? Gender Differences in Labor Market Outcomes during Economic Crisis

Looking at all of our results together some interesting gender differences appear across the different sectors. It is clear that females in the public sector behave differ- ently from those females that were not in the public sector in 1995. Females already in the public sector are far more likely than males in the public sector to stay in public sector employment. However, for women outside of the public sector the pattern is to move away from private employment and into either the out-of-labor-force sector or to unemployment. This is true even for those women who moved from the public sector. When females did move into employment they appeared to favor the public sector over the private sector, especially those who were married or had families. Womenmay be more risk-averse than men and even more so if they are married and/or have a family or that the private sector is not a desirable place to work if you are a female. Evidence in favor of the explanation that women are more risk-averse includes that we see that pub- lic sector wages have a much smaller variance and hence are less risky and that women who do move from the relatively low-risk public sector are from wealthier families. Another way to think about this problem is that households are solving an optimal port- folio type problem with their joint incomes, taking into account both expected income and expected risk in their decision making.
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With strings attached: Grandparent provided child care, fertility, and female labor market outcomes

With strings attached: Grandparent provided child care, fertility, and female labor market outcomes

Grandparents are regular providers of free child care. Similar to any other form of child care, availability of grandparent-provided child care affects fertility and la- bor market decisions of women positively. We find that women in Germany, residing close to parents or in-laws are more likely to have children and that as mothers they are more likely to hold a regular part-or fulltime job. However, different from any other type of child care, for individuals to enjoy grandparent-provided child care on a regular basis, residence choices must coincide with those of parents or in-laws. Thus while living close provides access to free child care, it imposes costly spatial re- strictions. We find that hourly wages of mothers residing close to parents or in-laws are lower compared to those residing further away, and having relatives taking care of ones’ children increases the probability of having to commute. We build a gen- eral equilibrium model of residence choice, fertility decisions, and female labor force participation that can account for the relationships between grandparent-provided child care, fertility and labor market outcomes. We simulate our model to analyze how women’s decisions regarding residence, fertility, and labor force participation change under different family policies.
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With strings attached: grandparent-provided child care, fertility, and female labor market outcomes

With strings attached: grandparent-provided child care, fertility, and female labor market outcomes

In this paper we document benefits and costs of grandparent-provided child care. Looking at German data we find that women residing close to parents or in-laws are more likely to have children and mothers are more likely to hold a regular full-or part time job. How- ever, we find that their wages are lower and they are more likely to incur daily commutes. We build a general equilibrium model of residence choice, fertility decisions, and female labor force participation to account for this trade-off. We simulate the model to match the German economy in terms of fertility, women’s labor force participation, and along other dimensions related to time spent with children and expenditures made on children. We then perform two counterfactual experiments to analyze how women’s decisions on residence, fertility, and labor force participation change under distinct scenarios regarding availability of grandparent-provided child care and different family policies. We find that if there is no grandparent-provided child care, there are fewer women participating in the labor market and fertility decreases. We also show that subsidizing 50% of child care costs does not increase aggregate women’s employment rates with respect to the benchmark case. However, there is an increase of 5 percentage points in the share of women moving away and thus labor mobility is increased. In this sense it seems that providing child care subsidies does not increase women’s labor market participation but rather encourages la- bor mobility.
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Breaking the Glass Ceiling? The Effect of Board Quotas on Female Labor Market Outcomes in Norway

Breaking the Glass Ceiling? The Effect of Board Quotas on Female Labor Market Outcomes in Norway

4. How did the Quota Affect Gender Gaps within Publicly Limited Liability Firms? Given the earlier evidence that publicly-limited firms were able to find high-human capital women to assume the reserved board positions, we now turn to the question of whether the presence of these new female board members led to better opportunities for women working within these firms. Indeed, by forcing a higher representation of women in the corporate boardrooms of publicly limited companies, the Norwegian Reform may have spurred other changes within firms that benefitted female employees. For example, as a result of the reform, publicly-limited companies may have hired more women to top management positions. This could have been the result of a new awareness of the existence of highly qualified women acquired during the search for female board members. Or perhaps women appointed to corporate boards play a direct role in improving outcomes for other women within the organization: they may recommend more female candidates for top executive positions, and may be more favorably inclined towards these candidates. In addition, female board members may be more vocal in urging companies to adopt human resource policies that favor other women; such policies may include tighter controls on pay, or more flexible work options for women, especially those with children. Such policies, if implemented, may increase the attractiveness of these companies for women and ultimately result in a greater female employment share.
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Breaking the Glass Ceiling? The Effect of Board Quotas on Female Labor Market Outcomes in Norway

Breaking the Glass Ceiling? The Effect of Board Quotas on Female Labor Market Outcomes in Norway

4. How did the Quota Affect Gender Gaps within Publicly Limited Liability Firms? Given the earlier evidence that publicly-limited firms were able to find high-human capital women to assume the reserved board positions, we now turn to the question of whether the presence of these new female board members led to better opportunities for women working within these firms. Indeed, by forcing a higher representation of women in the corporate board rooms of publicly limited companies, the Norwegian Reform may have spurred other changes within firms that benefitted female employees. For example, as a result of the reform, publicly- limited companies may have hired more women to top management positions. This could have been the result of a new awareness of the existence of highly qualified women acquired during the search for female board members. Or perhaps women appointed to corporate boards play a direct role in improving outcomes for other women within the organization: they may recommend more female candidates for top executive positions, and may be more favorably inclined towards these candidates. In addition, female board members may be more vocal in urging companies to adopt human resource policies that favor other women; such policies may include tighter controls on pay, or more flexible work options for women, especially those with children. Such policies, if implemented, may increase the attractiveness of these companies for women and ultimately result in a greater female employment share.
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Immigration, obesity and labor market outcomes in the UK

Immigration, obesity and labor market outcomes in the UK

In this paper we have offered new evidence on the dual effects of immigration and obesity on labor market outcomes for immigrants to the UK. We find several signifi- cant associations. First, we find evidence supporting the healthy immigrant hypothesis particularly for women in that the BMI of immigrants is strongly and significantly lower than that of natives, and immigrants have a lower probability of obesity than natives. In addition, we find evidence consistent with other literature on immigration to the UK (e.g. Dustmann et al. 2010) of a wage premium, although imprecisely esti- mated, and an increased likelihood of working in a white collar job for male immi- grants. Despite a wage premium for overweight and obese men in general, we find a wage penalty for overweight and obese immigrant men. Our findings for female immi- grants are generally consistent with those for male immigrants in sign, and are often of sizable magnitude but are not significant at conventional levels. This may be due to greater selection effects associated with women’s decisions about whether or not to enter the labor market in the first place. It is important to note that our findings are associations and cannot confirm causation due to data limitations that preclude effect- ively addressing the endogeneity between weight and labor market outcomes. Endo- geneity associated with both reverse causality and unobservable characteristics correlated with both weight and labor market outcomes is a challenge throughout the literature in this area. It is particularly challenging here because of the limited data sets that combine height, weight, immigration status and labor market outcomes with ad- equate sample sizes of immigrants. Neither our data nor that used by Cawley et al. (2009) include suitable instruments. In addition, our data includes only two adjacent waves precluding any reasonable fixed effects analysis. Therefore, a critical need for fu- ture research is better data over a longer time period.
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Are women in the MENA region really that different from women in Europe? Globalization, conservative values and female labor market participation

Are women in the MENA region really that different from women in Europe? Globalization, conservative values and female labor market participation

Today, in most developed and many developing countries, having gainful ‘work’ has become an important determinant of experienced utility, identity and self-esteem for both men and women alike ( B jørnskov, Dreher & Fischer, 2007). Sen (1999) argues that we view now income not only as a resource for consumption but also as means to social and political participation. This implies for women that earning their own income independently from men’s allows them to participate in society as full members with equal rights. However, despite considerable improvements over time, labor markets continue to be characterized by gender disparity: specifically, sexually segregated jobs, large earning differentials between men and women, and a double-burden for women of both household work and gainful work (Elson & Cagatay, 2000) – all indicating the persistence of the traditional role model. However, gender roles assigned to men and women are socially constructed and contingent on cultural norms and, possibly, depend on the level of economic development and openness of the national economy (Fernandez, 2013). It is only recently that ordinary people started to question and revise these traditional-conservative attitudes. 7
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The Effect of Job Flexibility on Female Labor Market Outcomes: Estimates from a Search and Bargaining Model

The Effect of Job Flexibility on Female Labor Market Outcomes: Estimates from a Search and Bargaining Model

Estimating a structural model of the labor market on a representative sample of U.S. individuals allows us to evaluate some relevant policy interventions, which we present in Section 8 . We assess what are the overall welfare e¤ects of the simple presence of the ‡exibility option by comparing our estimated model with an environment where ‡exibility is not available. We then analyze policies that reduce the cost of providing ‡exibility. Taking into account equilibrium e¤ects in these comparisons is crucial because the experiments imply that some individuals observed in ‡exible jobs might decide to work in non-‡exible jobs if ‡exibility is not available, whereas some might decide to remain unemployed: the preferences and the productivities of these workers are relevant to assess the overall labor market impact of each policy. The introduction of frictions and the presence of preferences over job amenities also imply that policy intervention may be welfare improving because the compensating di¤erentials mechanism is only partially at work. 6
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Gender Equality and the Labor Market: Women, Work and Migration in the People\u27s Republic of China

Gender Equality and the Labor Market: Women, Work and Migration in the People\u27s Republic of China

This study looks beneath the surface of these considerable gains, to investigate how women are faring in the transition to the PRC’s new growth model, and what can be done to promote their participation. It shows how the PRC is undergoing multiple transitions, with complex implications for gender equality and work. It demonstrates how each of the four transitions: market, structural, growth, and demographic, has had an impact on the labor market, and provides evidence of areas where gender inequality remains, and where this inequality is increasing. For example, during the market transition, gender wage gaps and gender wage discrimination increased, reaching 33% in urban areas and 44% in rural areas. The structural transition from agriculture to industry and services was accompanied by a very large rural to urban migration, generating 274 million migrants in 2014 (some 34% of the economically active population). Women comprised about a third of the migrants. The interaction of gender norms and the hukou system produced gendered migration patterns that reflect who migrates, motivations, and outcomes. The study also highlights the particular challenges facing women migrant workers. They tend to be at the bottom rung of the economic ladder, with higher rates of vulnerable employment, lower earnings than men migrants, and less social protection. They are less able to pursue occupational advancement, and they endure poorer working conditions. Migrant mothers face further challenges in combining paid and unpaid work, and, like nonmigrant women workers, endure a “motherhood penalty” if they have young children. Some of the recommendations emanating from this ADB and ILO joint study include: rethinking the provision of care for a rapidly aging population so the burden is shared more equally between men and women, adopting measures to address sex segregation in the labor force, addressing gender wage discrimination, expanding protections for workers that will benefit women, systematically collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data, and undertaking specific research studies to address gaps in the literature.
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Institutions and labor market outcomes in the Netherlands

Institutions and labor market outcomes in the Netherlands

pared to the mean in absence of job search requirements. This requirement is much larger than in the Netherlands (one employer contact per week) and in Ashenfelter, Ashmore and Deschênes (2005). Dolton and O'Neill (1996) also consider job search assistance in combination with increased monitoring. Their target population consists of individuals who have been unemployed for six months in the UK in the early 1990s. This implies that it concerns a group of relatively disadvantaged individuals. They find a positive effect on the exit rate to work. Also Manning (2009) finds for the UK positive effects on outflow of tightened search requirements, but he shows that the increased outflow is not necessarily to work. Manning (2009) studies the program called Job- seeker’s Allowance for welfare recipients. McVicar (2008) finds also for the UK that during periods without any monitoring reemployment rates are lower. Meyer (1995) provides a survey of US social experiments concerning job search assistance programs. It turns out that the effect on the exit rate to work increases in the intensity of the assistance. The decrease in the duration of UI dependence ranges from around half a week to more than three weeks. Finally, for Hungary, Micklewright and Nagy (2005) find that stricter monitoring only increases the re-employment of women above 30 years old. This is a group of individuals that typically does not devote much effort to job search. A feature of the monitoring in Hungary is that the caseworker also acts as a matching agent that offers suitable vacancies to unemployed workers.
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The effect of obesity on labor market outcomes

The effect of obesity on labor market outcomes

inexpensive but fattening convenience and fast food. The real average hourly earnings in the private sector decreased from 1982 to 1995, and it was only 4.5% higher in 2002 than in 1982 (Chou, Grossman, and Saffer, 2002; U.S. Census Bureau, 2003; Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2005). However, previous studies have found that higher household income did not result in better weight outcomes (Chou, Grossman, and Saffer, 2002; Lakdawalla and Philipson, 2002). That result might imply that an increase in participation into the labor force or an increase in work hours for women contributes to weight gain through a decrease in leisure time. In fact, participation rate in the labor force for women increased 12.5% between 1982 and 2002 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2005). Those increasing trends of market work will reduce the time and energy available for home production including food preparation, which can also contribute in part to the increasing prevalence of convenience or fast food. Several studies have supported the effect of reduced leisure time for household production on weight gain. For example, a child is more likely to be overweight if her mother worked more hours per week over the child’s life, and that adverse effect of work hours on child’s excess weight is larger for those mothers in high socioeconomic status (Ruhm, 2004; Anderson, Butcher, and Levine, 2003).
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The female labor market and gender equality

The female labor market and gender equality

Jensen (2010) observed that increased labor market opportunities influenced marriage and fertility decisions of women. The study was conducted on randomly selected rural villages in India. The treatment group of villages were provided with recruitment services to help young women get hired by the emerging business process outsourcing industry. The author found an increase in employment and enrolment in post-school training courses, and a decrease in marriage and fertility for women aged 18-24. Both school enrolment and BMI (Body Mass Index) increased for school-aged girls. At the same time, no evidence of a change because of the treatment were found for school-aged boys or working-aged men. Munshi & Rosenzweig (2006) investigated how the rise of the service and software industries in India during the 1990s increased labor market opportunities for women previously outside of the labor market. Because of better returns on education in English, school-aged children’s education in English rose. Among the lower castes, girls’ English based education improved faster than for boys. They concluded that the reason for girls benefitting more in the lower castes was that they previously had not benefit from their caste-network in finding work, thus taking full
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Schooling, Skills, and Labor Market Outcomes in Africa: Evidence from Ghana and Kenya

Schooling, Skills, and Labor Market Outcomes in Africa: Evidence from Ghana and Kenya

This paper makes use of data from the World Bank’s Skills Towards Employability and Productivity (STEP) surveys. The STEP Skills Measurement program was initiated to generate internationally comparable data on skills available in developing countries; as such, it measures the cognitive, job-relevant, and socioemotional skills of adults aged 15 to 64 who live in urban areas, regardless of whether they work. The year of data collection for Ghana and Kenya is 2013. To focus on workers in the labor market, the sample is restricted to individuals aged 17 to 64 and those who are not currently in formal education. In addition, workers in the armed forces are excluded from the analysis. Eliminating these observations yields a combined analytic sample of 2,986 individuals for Ghana and 3,892 for Kenya.
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With strings attached: Grandparent-provided child care and female labor market outcomes

With strings attached: Grandparent-provided child care and female labor market outcomes

ers with small children [0-3) who live close to parents or in-laws. This rate is equal to 26.75% in the data while the model estimates it to be 27.91%. In Germany, the cost of child care is equal to 9.10% of average income. The model also matches child care costs relatively well. We also match the mean log hourly wage rate observed in the data for working women. Our model somewhat under-predicts the percentage of women who are mothers. On the other hand, the model clearly overestimates labor force participation rates of mothers with children between the ages of 3 and 6 who live in ’H’. While in the data this rate is 46.22% the model estimates a rate of 79.10%. This is the reason why the model has difficulties matching aggregate labor force participation rates in ’H’. The percentage of women who live close to parents or in-laws and work is 50.36 in the data while in the model this number is 68.22. Given our model set-up matching both the participation rate of mothers with small children and the overall participation rate is not possible. In our model, mothers with children ages 3 to 6 do not face any child care costs. This is a simplification, because while availability of child care is almost guaranteed for these children, child care is not free. We could introduce a cost of child care in the second period in order to match this statistic better but we consider that the focus of this paper is on the period of early childhood when child care is most costly. We believe that we would not gain important additional insights by adjusting the model to better match this statistic. Hence, while our model misses an additional channel that determines why some mothers do not work, it does replicates well the fact that more mothers work as their children become older.
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THE RIGHT STUFF? PRIOR LABOR MARKET EXPERIENCE AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP

THE RIGHT STUFF? PRIOR LABOR MARKET EXPERIENCE AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP

Some studies have tried to distinguish between different types of labor market experience. Using a sample of white male Americans, Evans and Leighton (1989) find a positive and significant impact of previous self-employment experience on the probability of entering self-employment, but no impact of previous employment experience. This result is consistent with a model by Jovanovic (1982), where entrepreneurs have imperfect information about their innate abilities which they can only learn about by gaining some experience in entrepreneurship. Lin et.al. (2000), working on Canadian data, find that both prior employment experience and prior self-employment experience are associated with a higher likelihood of entering self-employment. Using US data, Boden (1996) found a greater propensity of employees of small firms (defined as less than 100 employees) to become entrepreneurs ceteris paribus than employees of large firms.
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Analyzing the Labor Market Outcomes of
Occupational Licensing

Analyzing the Labor Market Outcomes of Occupational Licensing

inattention given to these prevalent policies, they claimed “ a major reason for the lack of empirical work has been the absence of national data that clearly de fi nes whether a worker is regulated and the extent of regulation ” (p. S174). Our data help fill that void. Kleiner and Krueger (2013) found that attaining a license confers a signi fi cant wage premium. This relationship persists when they attempted to mitigate selection bias by using only within-occupation wage variation to identify this effect. However, their sample size was relatively small, about 2200 respondents, with a low response rate compared with gov- ernment labor force surveys. The SIPP’s large sample size, its second advan- tage, allows for more externally valid and more precise estimates of the wage benefits of professional licenses. Increased precision is especially advantageous when estimating models that include occupation fi xed effects.
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Taxation, Labor Market Policy and High-Impact Entrepreneurship

Taxation, Labor Market Policy and High-Impact Entrepreneurship

Most of the economic return from the successful formation of an HGF or HIE comes, however, in the form of a steeply increased market value of its stock rather than as dividends or large interest payments to the owners (Spulber 2009). As a result, the taxation of capital gains on stock holdings probably has a larger effect on the incentive to create wealth through the fostering of HGFs and HIE. A tax system with zero or very low tax rates on capital gains on long-term holdings of equity provides strong incentives for entrepreneurs to create value by investing money and effort in their own business, and to give other key actors (industrial- ists and business angels) ownership stakes in the firm if their competencies are required. On the other hand, a tax system that puts restrictions on capital gains in order to prevent owners of profitable small businesses from paying less tax relative to how much they would pay as regular employees, penalizes owners of stock in closely held firms relative to owners of stock in listed firms. This discourages entrepreneurial initiatives and other key actors.
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Misperceptions of unemployment and individual labor market outcomes

Misperceptions of unemployment and individual labor market outcomes

Participants in the survey were asked, “how likely it is that during the next 12 months you will be unemployed and looking for work for at least four consecutive weeks?” (ESS 2008c, p. 35). The possible answers were the following: very likely, likely, not likely, and not at all likely. We generate a dummy variable that takes value one if the answer was “very likely” or “likely” and zero otherwise. We estimate the probability of a positive answer as a function of the unemployment misperception and a set of covariates, con- trolling for country fixed effects. The covariates include the actual unemployment rate in the country (which varies depending on the survey month) and the worker’s age, gender, education, and ability, as well as her current labor market status (dummy for unemployed, with employed as the omitted category, and a dummy with value one if the individual is employed on a permanent contract and zero otherwise). This set of regressors replicates those in our major specification of the wage model, in column 3 of Table 2, augmented to include the job attribute that is expected to have a direct impact on perceptions of future unemployment, namely the duration of the current employment contract (open-ended, as opposed to short duration). The regressions were run both on the sample of active popu- lation (in which case, we further control for the current unemployment status) and on the analysis sample, which includes only employed workers. Results are reported in Table 4.
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