Top PDF Writing Illness and Identity in Seventeenth-century Britain

Writing Illness and Identity in Seventeenth-century Britain

Writing Illness and Identity in Seventeenth-century Britain

relationship between the volume and pressure of a gas, an arch exponent of mechanical and corpuscular thinking 8 – neglecting to think mechanistically about his body. As well as noting that Boyle's reflections on his illness elicit a slip from the observational stance that might be expected of him, it is worth considering the frames of reference Boyle does use for thinking about himself in illness. Rather than attempting to work out which among his bones, muscles, veins, arteries, gristles, ligaments, nerves, membranes and juices was failing, and what the cause of the failure might be, Boyle meditated on the spiritual significance of his disease. Unable to sleep, he fell to comparing his lot to that of the damned, considering 'how insupportable their condition must be, to be cast into outer Darkness, where tormented Wretches lye, not as I do upon a soft Bed, but upon Fire and Brimstone, where no attendance of Servants, or kindness of Friends, is allow'd them, that need it as much as they deserve it little; and, which is worst of all, where no Beam of hope is permitted to Consolate them, as if the Day should Dawn after so Dismal a Night, though protracted to Millions of Ages, each of whose miserable hours appears an Age'. 9 This train of thought led Boyle to a Puritan recognition of his neglected devotional duties ('How defective we are in point of Gratitude to God'). 'I now Blush', he told his sister, 'that I cannot call to Mind the time, when I ever thought that his having vouchsaf'd me the power of Sleeping, deserv'd a particular Acknowledgment'. 10 Illness brought Boyle a religious lesson: 'that 'tis our 8 Boyle's mechanism has been the subject of debate among historians of science and philosophy.
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Fur Dress, Art, and Class Identity in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England and Holland

Fur Dress, Art, and Class Identity in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England and Holland

abstinence and young women were encouraged to marry quickly. That lovesickness was associated with idleness, aggravated by celibacy, and cured by (maritally sanctioned) deflowering opened the pictorial type to comic possibilities. Dutch women in particular were predisposed to illness and sexual abstinence by their race, physiognomy, and the climate of the Netherlands. Because Dutch women were often perceived as willful, forward, and passionless, that is, at odds with the subservient feminine ideal, these images may act as wishful projections by men, who wanted to reinforce a notion of the male physician as a moral and physical guardian of helpless young women in need of male sexual fulfillment. The jak, as a garment that forms their bodies into warmer and more passionate ones, molds Dutch women into more compliant types while sexualizing their bodies and objectifying them as fertile vessels. Alison Kettering argued that Dutch women looking at genre scenes would have easily projected and indeed been socially conditioned into projecting themselves into the roles of the idealized and attractive women depicted therein: “at the most basic level, she could have enjoyed the imagined pleasure of posing center-stage, admired and perceived as beautiful. Equally immediate would have been her identification with the depicted lady’s delight in wearing such a shimmering gown. By imaginatively projecting herself into this pictorial context, a woman transported herself into a milieu of leisure and beauty.” 128 In the Hinlopen case Leonora would have encountered an
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Katherine Jones, Lady Ranelagh (1615 91): science and medicine in a seventeenth century Englishwoman’s writing

Katherine Jones, Lady Ranelagh (1615 91): science and medicine in a seventeenth century Englishwoman’s writing

husband’s work. 43 Further, in a letter from Sir Cheney Culpeper to Benjamin Worsley, Culpeper thanks him ‘for Dr. Kuffler's wife's experiments, especially concerning harty chocks’, and the two debated the proportion of salt to sand required in the experiment. 44 Lady Joan Barrington also corresponded with Hartlib when his plans for the Circle were still in their infancy. The two traded book recommendations, and Hartlib told her, ‘any other manuscript of what kinde so ever espetialy of Chymical subjects wilbee most welcome at all times, And it may be I shall be able to gratifie yr Ladishipe wth the like informacons and communications wch wilbee worth p[er]usal’. 45 Reference to another female natural philosopher may be found in Hartlib’s ‘Ephemerides’ of 1655, where he notes, ‘Mris Ogleby Maj[or] Morgans Aunt came to us the 3. of Aug giving the first visit. A rare Chymical Gentlewoman she is, and hath some of Ripley’s MS’. 46 Her identity is uncertain, but she might be Katherine Ogilby (née Hudson), who was married to John Ogilby, a publisher and map-maker who split his time between England and Ireland and knew Robert Boyle, Christopher Wren and Robert Hooke during the Restoration. 47 Hartlib mentions that that she possessed manuscripts of George Ripley, the Renaissance alchemist who wrote about the philosopher’s stone and was considered by seventeenth- century chymists to be an authority on the subject. 48 Hartlib’s comment that Mrs Ogilby is a ‘rare Chymical Gentlewoman’ stresses the high esteem in which he held her, as the
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Imagining Britain : the formation of British national identity during the eighteenth century

Imagining Britain : the formation of British national identity during the eighteenth century

Chapter 3 attemptsto representationin eighteenth-century describe history as a genre of writing, and to theorise the relationship of that genre to Anderson's account of the 'imagined com[r]

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The identity of the bird known locally in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Norfolk, United Kingdom, as the Spowe

The identity of the bird known locally in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Norfolk, United Kingdom, as the Spowe

The “s powe ” became more widely known to ornithologists when Gurney and Fisher (1846), writing about the Whimbrel (Numenius phaeopus), stated: “ Spowe. An obsolete Norf[olk] term for Whimbrel first recorded in 1519. It derives from Old Norse spoi in the Scandinavian languages, however the word is also used for the Curlew ”. Stevenson (1866: 213) asserted that Stanley (1848: 89) erred in thinking that “s powe ” referred to the House Sparrow (Passer domesticus). Stevenson (1866) examined the L”Estrange records and argued that, since all the other birds brought into the kitchens by the local wildfowling families were birds likely to be resident on the north Norfolk coast (for example, Curlew (N. arquata), Grey Plover (Pluvialis squatarola), Teal (Anas crecca), Wigeon (A. penelope) and Knot (Calidris canutus)), it was most improbable that “s powe ” referred to House Sparrows. Also, it was unlikely that an aristocratic family like the L’Estranges would be dining on such plebeian food as sparrows. Stevenson argued that the “s powe ” was in fact the Whimbrel, and noted that Gurney and Fisher (1846) were of the same opinion. His conclusion was based largely on the fact that the Icelandic and Scandinavian names for curlews or whimbrels are spoi, spou, spof and spove. It is also worth noting that trading links between Iceland, Scandinavia and Norfolk existed in the Middle Ages (Bates and Liddiard 2013). The
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Madness in Seventeenth Century Autobiography

Madness in Seventeenth Century Autobiography

widowed Hanna Allen, whose respectable Presbyterian mercantile family lived in Derbyshire and London. The third, written in 1693 and published posthumously in 1713 (and in 1974), presents the episodes of hallucination, delirium and violence experienced in the mid-1650s by George Trosse, the reprobate grandson of a West Country merchant, before undergoing conversion and becoming a Nonconformist minister in Exeter. All three people turned to autobiographical writing after experiencing a radical crisis of identity and transformation; having come to be seen by their financially comfortable families, doctors and carers as mentally disturbed, they received medical treatment and spiritual guidance, and interpreted their eventual recovery in spiritual terms.
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Xenophobia in seventeenth-century India

Xenophobia in seventeenth-century India

183 this. A key element in this story is however the affection between Dilir Khan and Abdul-Karim. Dilir Khan, whom Bhimsen served at the time that he was writing about, “would never consider any man other than the Afghans as a gentle or noble fellow,” and was according to an inserted verse, “so intoxicated with the wine of love [for Karim] that he even broke the thread of his duties and responsibilities.” Dilir Khan and Bahlul Khan wrote to Aurangzeb that Bahadur Khan was in league with the people of Deccan, and Bahadur Khan was consequently summoned to the court, while Dilir Khan was left in the Deccan and, in alliance with Abdul-Karim, invaded Golkonda. After a war of attrition, Dilir Khan decided it better to retreat to Gulbarga to forage, especially in view of the illness of Abdul- Karim, but the retreat turned into a disaster for the Afghans — at which point Bhimsen inserted his verse about Dilir’s love. The end of this episode was that Dilir Khan and the Deccanis made peace, Abdul-Karim reconciled with Sidi Mas‘ud, the new leader of the Deccani faction in Bijapur who was a Habshi just as the late Khawas Khan, Abdul-Karim died, and Bahadur Khan was restored to imperial favour. At this point the Bijapuri Afghans were in a rather destitute situation, which they blamed on their new commander, the son of Abdul-Karim. The Afghans heaped their new commander with abuse, which inspired Bhimsen to comment: “if they could treat their own clansmen thus, one can imagine how they must have oppressed others.” Finally Asad Khan was sent by Aurangzeb to quell the turbulent Afghans. 78
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Property, Identity and Place in

Seventeenth-Century New England

Property, Identity and Place in Seventeenth-Century New England

had 30-40 men; Mascononomo 2-3 families. 329 Not only had these tribes been hit by disease, but in 1619 the Micmac Indians (who were not affected by the illness) attacked and further reduced the population of the coastal tribes. Thus, the Bay colonists encountered a number of sachems and tribes willing to deal with them and received a number of ‘gifts’ or tributes early on, which the English seem to have interpreted as permission to take the land. The tribes that were turning to the English for alliance were very vulnerable at this time. During one raid on a Pawtucket village north of Massachusetts Bay a sachem was killed. 330 Mascononomo of Agawam (renamed Ipswich by English settlers) was attacked in August 1631 by the Micmac tribe who killed seven and injured or kidnapped several more. The attack ended when the tribe escaped to the English settlement nearby. This was the last attack by Micmac in this region, who were likely deterred by the growing number of English along the coast. 331 John Eliot, who arrived in Massachusetts in 1631 to serve as minister at Roxbury, wrote to Sir Simonds D’Ewes, and antiquarian and supporter of colonization back in England, in 1633 that the natives ‘do gladly entertain us and give us possession, for we are as walls to them from their bloody enemies’. 332 At this time, Massaoit and other sachems found the English preferable to the Narragansett or Micmac who demanded higher tributes and ritual humiliation. The English offered better goods for trade and access to land formerly controlled by these groups. 333 The tribes near Massachusetts Bay knew of precedent set by Massaoit in forming an alliance with the English, and also of the violence of the English so found them a better ally and thus offered or allowed the English to settle nearby their villages. A consequence of this decision, was that the
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Turning Inside Out: Reading and Writing Godly Identity in Seventeenth-Century Narratives of Spiritual Experience

Turning Inside Out: Reading and Writing Godly Identity in Seventeenth-Century Narratives of Spiritual Experience

66 first station (which pits physical sensation against spiritual sensation), we see that Donne’s first meditation and expostulation present us with an inverse relationship between the sensitive faculties of body and soul. The body cannot help but sense its decline into sickness but also cannot seem to control its fall, while the soul has potential to prevent spiritual sickness (sin) but is not aware of its warning signs. The material experience of the body has led the speaker to a better understanding of the soul: the body’s hypersensitivity to disease points out the relative imperceptibility of sin for the soul, which teaches the speaker that he must develop a stronger spiritual self-awareness. It is man’s material self-obsession that overshadows the soul’s capacity for sensation. We “jest,” “drink,” and “sleep” out the voice of conscience. By highlighting the connection between physical and spiritual suffering, the expostulation also identifies sin as a cause for pain and illness in the material world. The transition from meditation to expostulation gives the speaker space and perspective to consider what the body’s pains might signify. In her illuminating study of Donne’s style in Contrary Music (1963), Joan Webber describes the transitions of Donne’s devotional stations as shifts in conceptual and temporal framework. 104 The body, Webber explains, is always at the center of the meditations’ concerns, and man is considered solely within his natural environment: Donne speaks as a man who is self-aware, but only to the extent that he can compare himself to other animals and his natural surroundings. In Webber’s formulation, the expostulations move man (and his experience) into a Christian frame of reference, in which “man’s misery and that of the world are given a cause…and a cure.” 105 Sin is
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Wounds, Flesh, and Metaphor in Seventeenth Century England

Wounds, Flesh, and Metaphor in Seventeenth Century England

Wounds, Flesh, and Metaphor in Seventeenth-Century England is a wide-ranging study that examines the metaphor of woundedness within and across political, legal, religious and literary texts. By bringing a variety of materials together, Covington traces images of brokenness, disorder and permeated boundaries to illuminate the expansive character of wound imagery at work in 17th-century writings. Covington argues, moreover, that in an age of upheaval and violence wound metaphors were not only an appropriate means of articulating the turbulent circumstances of civil war, images of woundedness themselves provided a means through which the self and the nation could be re-imagined during a period of unprecedented crisis.
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English Benedictine Nuns in Exile in the Seventeenth Century

English Benedictine Nuns in Exile in the Seventeenth Century

Lux-Sterritt focuses on the aspect of enclosure and less on the other two heads of the historiographical Cerberus, exile and sex. The lived experience of exile on the Continent is observed in the background throughout the book, and for those who want to read more in-depth analysis of the profound sense of alien several articles exist that focus on particular aspects such as the language barrier or material culture.(10) English Benedictine Nuns in Exile offers some helpful reading tools. It includes a list of all the nuns mentioned (including the unique identity number by which they can be looked up in the ‘Who were the nuns?’ database), a ‘family tree’ of the Benedictine convents in exile with short descriptions of each convent, and notes on the archival collections. Though Lux-Sterritt is aware of the limited scope of this book, it never feels insular or enclosed in its scholarship despite the nature of its subject. That is partly due to its focus on the tensions between religious life as prescribed and as lived, between individual and
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The Seventeenth-century Hizen Porcelain Unearthed in Vietnam

The Seventeenth-century Hizen Porcelain Unearthed in Vietnam

Ở Đàng Trong, gốm Hizen được tìm thấy phổ biến ở nhiều loại hình di tích khác nhau, từ thành thị đến thương cảng, từ khu mộ địa của người dân tộc thiểu số miền núi đến các khu đền thờ…[r]

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Merchants, bankers, and the state in seventeenth-century Peru

Merchants, bankers, and the state in seventeenth-century Peru

keep the poor safe from the usurers. Later on, the development o f inter-fair trade brought witii it the need to have banks where merchants could place their frmds and make transfers without running the risks they were exposed to in public banks. So G enoa’s Banco di San G iorgio; Aragon’s Taules de C anvi, which worked in Barcelona, Valencia, Gerona and Zaragoza; Venice’s Banco della P iazza d i R ialto, and others, were institutions estabhshed on a municipal initiative to satisfy the needs o f the city’s merchants. These new public banks could receive deposits and transfer money, but this was all guaranteed and carefriUy supervised by the city’s officials.'®^ On the contrary, in Castille, the money brokers, money lenders and royal revenue harvesters who carried out credit roles, had to have permission from a "senor y juez de los cambios.” From the late fifteenth century, these financiers were distinguished into ”de trueque” exchangers —who performed exchange transactions— and ”de libro” ones —those who received deposits and carried out procedures o f a more banking nature. According to Tinoco, Public Banks or Public Exchanges derived from the latter in the sixteenth century; on an order from the Catholic Kings, these fell under the control o f the Cabildo only to obtain their h c e n s e . T h e cities and villages o f Castille thus had several private banks free from the Cabildo’s supervision, working with no other regulations than to give guarantees on opening. A s a result —and unlike pubhc banks in other areas, which worked with the Cabildo’s guarantee— pubhc banks in CastiUe and Peru were private banks which worked with the support o f private guarantors, who took over the risks o f the financial operations made by the owner o f the bank for a given number o f years.
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The Seventeenth Century Brewhouse and Bakery at Ferryland, Newfoundland

The Seventeenth Century Brewhouse and Bakery at Ferryland, Newfoundland

northeast corner of the structure based on the location of the primary midden associated with the brewhouse and assuming that the brewhouse occupants used the broadcast method of refuse disposal that was typical on many 17th-century sites (Deetz 1996: 172). It is worth noting the location of this structure relative to what is today known as the “Mansion House,” a series of small buildings amalgamated into a single larger compound centered on a 10.97 × 7.01 m (36 × 18 ft.) stone structure, believed to have been the home of George Calvert during his brief stay in Newfoundland (Tuck and Gaulton 2013). Brewhouses and bakehouses were often placed away from the main residence or community to reduce the risk of fire and cut down on ambient odors, with one contemporary author recommending a distance of a quarter of a mile (Sim 1997: 25). In Ferryland, the structure believed to be the brewhouse was placed on the eastern edge of the colony, alongside the defensive ditch that enclosed the original settlement. At the other end of the colony, near the narrow beach connecting footprint of the brewhouse is approximately
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Councils, counsel and the seventeenth century composite state

Councils, counsel and the seventeenth century composite state

representation of each country on the other’s council and joint bodies to resolve tensions between them. Counsel in a con/federal union brought to the fore the ‘East Lothian Question’ of the relative political weight of demographically and economically unequal partners. Devolution without systematic plans for coordinating the consent, consensus- building and management of political and geographical relationships which counsel could provide has created the West Lothian Question instead. Composite states might have been able to survive without carefully planned mutual and joint councils in the early modern period, because there was just enough informal counsel to hold them together, even at the cost of major tensions. Seventeenth-century Britons partly recognised, but could not solve, the problem of how to create a well-functioning system of British counsel and councils. How to do so remains crucial to rethinking British union in the twenty-first century.
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Women's property rights in seventeenth-century Istanbul

Women's property rights in seventeenth-century Istanbul

surrounding cities, was the home of some 300,000 people, with more than half residing within the city walls. 15 Although many families in the three surrounding cities were involved in different forms of agricultural activity—primarily for the provision of the city‘s large population—the majority of the residents of the intramural city were directly connected to the state for their livelihood. The walled city was the seat of the imperial palace, which had thousands of functionaries. By the seventeenth century, the judiciary had become highly centralized in the capital. The central bureaucracy expanded in the seventeenth century in order to have more effective control over taxation. This led to the creation of a number of new specialized offices in the capital and a sharp increase in the number of their employees. 16 The most prestigious positions within the judiciary were assigned only to the graduates of colleges in the capital. The number of medreses in the walled city doubled over the course of the seventeenth century, accommodating more professors and students on the payrolls of the imperial foundations. 17 Tens of thousands of Janissaries (members of the central army) resided within the capital; together with their families they formed about a third of the city‘s population. 18 The walled city, therefore, accommodated the largest concentration of those who were on the payroll of
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What was published in the seventeenth century Dutch Republic?

What was published in the seventeenth century Dutch Republic?

Pamphlet editions of official regula- tions are included within the terms of ref- erence of the STCN (though not, as we show below, represented in full); broad- sheets are not. Even if they had been, they survive largely in the archives not included in the STCN programme of searches, rather than in the libraries inspected. The amount of printed material involved is po- tentially enormous. The Dutch Republic is unusual for its complex layered struc- ture of jurisdictions, with the right to make law, and raise taxes, divided between the States General – the overarching assembly of the seven United Provinces, individual provinces, and the municipalities. 15 Other state institutions, such as the Admiralties, and quasi-state institutions, such as the East and West India Companies, also is- sued broadsheet ordinances (see figure 2). We can now enumerate 107 jurisdic- tions that at some point or other issued printed ordinances in the seventeenth- century Dutch Republic (see table 1). These ranged from the incessant law- making of the States of Holland and major cities, to far smaller jurisdictions, such as the town of Weesp or the Lords of Wal- cheren. To capture all the surviving issues would require a full survey of every state, provincial, regional and municipal archive, as well as a search of libraries abroad; such a survey is now underway. Then we must also come to an educated judgement about what proportion this represents of the total originally published. Here we can be to some extent guided by what we know of the output of the Plantin press in Antwerp. The Plantin-Moretus archive contains file copies of almost every item published by Plantin and his successors on behalf of the ruling authorities, as well as the surplus undistributed stock of a large number. 16 We know from
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The transformation of Drumlanrig Castle at the end of seventeenth-century

The transformation of Drumlanrig Castle at the end of seventeenth-century

The existence at the end of seventeenth-century of larger projects with educated clients such as the Dukes of Queensberry, closely involved in the process, changed the nature of the projects, becoming more complex and collaborative. This allowed for the emergence of architects such as James Smith, who like his clients, with university education and European travel experience, was able to understand their design intentions and cultural aspirations. There is a clear shift in the procurement of the works carried out by the 1 st and the 2 nd Dukes, most probably influenced by the works at Holyrood Palace. The first phase works at
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The archaeology of gentry life in seventeenth-century Ferryland

The archaeology of gentry life in seventeenth-century Ferryland

Figure 16 TT glass bottle seal and EXON 78 lead bale seal 61 Figure 17 Aerial view of the Kirke house showing architectural features 63 Figure 18 Remains of deteriorated sill [r]

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The rhetoric of celebration in seventeenth century Venetian funerary monuments

The rhetoric of celebration in seventeenth century Venetian funerary monuments

will pay special attention to the influence of antiquity and the legacy of ancient Rome in the Venetian practice of erecting funerary monuments. In particular, in Chapter One I explain how the way in which the Venetians conceived their past and regarded themselves as heirs to the Roman patriciate affected the execution and reception of their funerary monuments. To clarify the point I will compare the monuments to seventeenth-century biographies, a literary genre that enjoyed considerable success in the Renaissance and later in the Baroque period. The reading of these biographies in support of analysis of the artworks demonstrates that funerary monuments were conceived as exempla of the deeds of illustrious men. In Venice, the publication of the first early modern edition of Valerius Maximus’s Dictorum et factorum memorabilium in 1471, a collection of anecdotes and moralising examples concerning the lives of the ancient Romans, led to the dissemination of biographies, which are also analysed in Chapter One. By extolling the lives of the illustrious men, these biographies evoked ethical models of uncorrupted morality. Basically, these models recalled the mythicized vision of Venice as a republic of outstanding citizens which had been described in the writings of historians or humanists of the Republic, most notably Gasparo Contarini (1483-1542) and Paolo Paruta (1540-98). Just as Roman ancestors
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