These statistical data suggest that the possibility of sexual abuse as a factor in females failing to return home cannot be ignored, and could be the subject of future research on homeless youth. The finding of females failing to return home may be further explained by examination of common dynamics is distressed stepfamilies (Visher and Visher, 1979; Sager et al. 3 1983). A strong alliance between the natural parent and child which may have developed prior to remarriage may prevent a stepparent gaining entry into the family system. Furthermore, where the child's loyalties to the absent parent are strong, trouble may erupt between the stepparent and the stepchild. Unclear roles of stepparents and the unacceptance of the stepfamily as a viable unit by society (such as schools recognizing only natural parents) further make the stepfamily a stressful unit to
In recent years, some countries and regions in the Global North have extended the age requirement and/or supports for youth in care beyond the age of 18. For example, Scotland has introduced legislation that extends the age of care and enhances the state’s obligation to support young people into their early 20s (The Scottish Government, 2013). In Wales, Part 2 of the Housing (Wales) Act 2014 and Part 6 of the Social Services and Wellbeing (Wales) Act put in place significant provisions to enable policy action (Stirling, 2018). Although few studies have yet to assess the outcomes of this new legislation due to its recency, previous research has found a reduction in homelessness among youth in foster care in American states that extended the age of care beyond 18 (Dworsky, Napolitano, and Courtney, 2013). This reduction only appears to last until the extension ends at age 21, suggesting the
Research and evaluation are just beginning to catch up with the effects of the many promising early intervention models and programmes in communities around the globe. Intervening early when youth are identified to be at risk of homelessness is critical to positive short- and long-term outcomes for youth, with some research also indicating cost savings. There is population-based evidence supporting the efficacy of school-based interventions to tackle social, medical and financial problems that can lead to homelessness. Respite
There are clearly-evidenced interconnections between care leaver status and homelessness. In July 2017, Crisis produced a report on homelessness prevention for care leavers, prison leavers and people experiencing domestic abuse for the UK All-Party Parliamentary Group for Ending Homelessness, which noted that one third of care leavers (33 per cent) become homeless in the first two years after leaving care, and 25 per cent of all single homeless people have been in care at some point in their lives (All-Party Parliamentary Group for Ending Homelessness 2017). Research undertaken for the Public Policy Institute for Wales in 2015 identified that, despite a social housing tenancy being widely seen as the preferable option, the main cause of
Conceptually, this paper examines the influence that school attendance has on children and youth from the the- oretical framework of individual “ resilience ” . The con- struct of individual psychosocial resilience has evolved from extensive research in the developmental psychology field [10-14], and is defined as: “a dynamic process encom- passing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity. Implicit within this notion are two critical condi- tions: 1.) Exposure to significant threat or severe adversity; and 2.) the achievement of positive adaptation despite major assaults on the developmental process” . In this context, resilience capacities enables survivors of high-risk environments to develop, maintain or enhance social com- petence, empathy, caring, problem-solving skills, critical and creative thinking, task mastery, and a sense of purpose and social connectedness in the face of severe adversity and distress . In this “ resilience in the face of adversity ” context, resilience can also be understood from the per- spective of a “profile of adaptation”, or as a “trajectory of adaptation”, meaning that resilient behavior results in out- comes that may be markedly better from what might be normally expected [15,17].
Social support, including peer relationships are essential supports for street youth (Karabanow & Clement, 2004). For example, Unger et al. (1998) analyzed the effects of stress, coping, and social support on symptoms of depression, poor physical health, and substance use among 432 homeless youth between the ages of 13-24 in California. Social support reduced the risk of depression and poor health. This indicates that effective coping and social support may counteract the negative effects that stressful life events have on homeless youth’s physical and psychological health. Similar outcomes were found in a study by Kurtz et al. (2000) examining the impact of formal and informal helping resources to resolve difficulties and achieve self- defined success in life. Among the sample of 12 homeless youth, aged 18-25 years in North Carolina and Georgia, three quarters commented on the importance of friends. Friends were said to be sources of unconditional support, valued confidants, and even chosen family members. At times, they provided motivation needed for change. The importance of social and peer supports among homeless youth was reinforced in both studies, however participants were living in the United States and may be subjected to different challenges than those living in Canada. Although both studies presented outcomes that relate to recovery, i.e. mental health, depression, and
Findings related to the theme Poverty is Exclusion are similar to other findings around the exclusionary nature of living in poverty. Other researchers identified people experiencing material deprivation, such as a lack of housing and lack of income, as being subjected to social exclusion due to trying to access basic human needs (Averitt, 2003; Norman, Pauly, Marks, & Palazzo, 2015; Norman & Pauly, 2013; Watson et al., 2016). In the current study, the time spent trying to meet basic human necessities for living, precludes participation in community activities. Finding appropriate housing, food, and a livable income was found to leave no time for the women to participate recreationally in their community. Similarly, in a study by Norman et al. (2015), they also described the participants’ daily commitment of trying to access services within the city that related to their survival – leaving little time or energy to participate in the community. Meeting survival needs is described as a work-day for people who are homeless as everyday is dedicated to survival (Norman et al., 2015). Furthermore, participation in a community activity was found to be risky as it means potentially not getting a meal, or a place to sleep for the night (Norman et al., 2015).
Most research on exergaming to date has been conducted in clinical settings so that little is known about the type, duration, or intensity of exergaming in population-based samples of adoles- cents. In addition, it is not known if the sociodemographic, lifestyle, psychoso- cial, health, or weight-related charac- teristics of youth who exergame differ from those who do not. 18 In this study,
In terms of the logic model, certain questions are raised by the St Mungo’s Street Impact programme and its financing model. For instance, what has been accomplished if the performance measurement goals are achieved? A “desirable” target is reached – desirable being defined as attractive to investors – but whether that target is long-term and widespread depends on the sophistication of the design put into the performance measurements. Four of the five performance measures related to the Street Impact SIB have to do with immediate outputs of the programme, over which St Mungo’s has considerable influence. The fifth measure, related to employment, is a longer term outcome, and St Mungo’s may have little direct influence over it. None of these performance measures could be considered to measure “ecosystem impact.” The haste to initiate a new financial model has prevented the state from connecting any broad social measurements to this programme, so it is impossible to state whether the programme will be better in the long run than previous ones. It would seem that engaging the finance industry in service sector funding is being regarded as a goal in itself, rather than a means to an end.
OBJECTIVES: Less than 15% of children and adolescents participate regularly in physical activity (PA) and, with ever-increasing obesity, strategies to improve PA levels in youth are urgently needed. Exergaming offers a PA alternative that may be especially attractive in our increasingly technophilic society. However, there are no observational studies of exergaming in population-based samples of adolescents. The purpose of this study was to investigate potential sociodemographic, lifestyle, psychosocial, weight-related, and mental health correlates of exergaming as well as describe the type, timing, and intensity of exergaming in a population-based sample of adolescents.
Referring to methamphetamine treatment, one male partici- pant raised a concern that some youth might not be strong enough to kick the habit. He felt that youth would need a lot more than “sponsors” used in the 12-step programs. He suggested “mentors” or a “mentoring program where they do things to keep them occupied so they don’t have to deal with that stuff … I know people that smoke crystal meth on a daily basis, and are some of the most talented people.” Keeping them occupied through mentoring will help provide incentive to “better their lives,” will help change their think- ing patterns which in turn will stop them from using over the long haul. Another male participant suggested that people who want to get off narcotics would beneﬁ t from a mentor who can relate to the client’s troubles; smokes marijuana with them during mentoring sessions as a way to get their mind off narcotics-use; and exposed them to other activities. “I truly feel marijuana would be a good drug treatment.”
“Qualitative interviewing” (Mason, 1996: 38) provided the primary data to compare British and Irish social policy responses. Interviews were chosen due to the in-depth exploration of understanding and meanings that they access (Arksey and Knight, 1999: 32). 24 interviews were conducted with relevant actors from non-governmental organisations (NGO), government departments, and other relevant experts in the social policy field in Britain and Ireland. Participants were recruited through a combination of email and telephone. There were difficulties in accessing higher level participants, such as ministers and members of parliament (MP), as at the time of conducting interviews a general election was imminent. Prior to the general election in Britain a number of MP’s agreed to participate in interviews however after the general election they were unavailable to partake in the research. Irish MP’s were simply unattainable due to their electoral commitments. A semi-structured interview was employed due to its “versatility” (Galletta, 2013: 46) and accommodating both “open- ended and more theoretically driven questions, eliciting data grounded in the experience of the participant” (Galletta, 2013: 45). The questions posed were not easily categorizable questions nor were they simple yes or no questions hence interviews were chosen over other
The ‘Let’s Stay Put’ program is another innovative program that is targeted at improving the educational outcomes of students who have to move from one school to another, especially at non‐ standard times (A. Hill, Navin, & Lynch, 2009). The project drew from the identification of linkages between inter‐school mobility and disadvantage/poverty and focussed on the professional development of teachers as well as the case management of individual students to improve educational outcomes of mobile students. The project was run across four clusters, one of which was Cairns and involved three schools in the Cairns area (Angela Hill, Dalley‐Trim, & Lynch, 2010). The position of the Mobility Support Officer was part of this approach, where a qualified teacher focussed specifically on ensuring the smooth transition of enrolling as well as exiting students. The effect of this role is described as making ‘the transfer of student information, the assessment of student needs and the transition of students into a new school more efficient, providing a more supportive environment for students and their families, as well as relieving the Principal, administrators and teachers of a substantial amount of work’ (A. Hill et al., 2009, p. 8). While this project did not focus on the needs of CALD communities specifically, it does present significant possibilities when examined in the light of the mobility issues of the PI community as dictated by secondary homelessness and the dictates of the low end rental market.
Youth often become homeless due to family breakdown or systems failure. 17 Homelessness is considered the most direct contributing factor leading to the commercial sexual exploitation and sex trafficking of minors. 18 In general, children who are victimized on an ongoing basis have an increased risk of losing the fundamental capacity for normal development, successful learning, and a productive adulthood. 19 Research suggests that people who experience any sort of child maltreatment— sexual abuse, physical abuse, or neglect—are more likely to be arrested later in life than people who did not experience maltreatment as children. 20 Moreover, being victimized increases the likelihood of committing later offenses, engaging in aggressive and/or assaultive behavior, and increases the likelihood of being victimized again. 21
between housing and education, it is evident that identification of homeless youth is critical, and also that a successful collaboration between housing and education agencies will produce policies that integrate educational data. The needs of homeless youth are numerous and complex, and limiting the role of the DOE to school-based solutions underutilizes the potential of the agency to provide housing units that address these needs. The creation of the Strategic Plan offers an opportunity for housing agencies to provide affordable housing options that assist in providing access to education and that increase the use of educational resources by introducing an educational component into permanent supportive housing services. Developing permanent supportive housing units with educational services will help to break the cycle of homelessness—preventing homeless youth from becoming homeless adults—by increasing the likelihood of homeless youth achieving academic success, leading to greater employment opportunities. Education can and should be brought into the home to advance housing stability for youth and provide affordable housing with long-term benefits.
A new website called Benefacts has just been published. Its tagline is “Data for Social Good”. In the main, it is a database of information regarding “civil society organisations in Ireland. Besides charities, this this includes philanthropies, sports bodies, political, human rights and advocacy organisations, business and trade associations”. It is a database of 20,000 organisations.
α = .82; eg, “I feel in control of my life and future”), social competency (6 items; α = .84; eg, “I express my feelings in proper ways”), and empowerment (3 items; e.α = .81; eg, “I feel valued and appreciated by others”). The questions used a 4-point scale with responses ranging from “not at all or rarely” to “extremely or almost always.” Youth who answered fewer than 5 items for positive identity, 6 items for social competency, and 2 items for empowerment were excluded from the analyses. Academic orientation was measured as a mean of 3 items (range 1–4; α = .60; eg, “How often do you care about doing well at school?”). These questions used a 4-point scale with responses ranging from “none of the time” to “all of the time.” Positive teacher connectedness was measured as the mean of 4 items 18 (range 1–4;
information are conventions establishing news stories as factual. Images portray unambiguous sets of victims and villains, emphasize individualistic problem causes and contribute to resignation about homelessness. The study proposes two models of communication about homelessness: a "social action model" presenting a problem about which someone must do something, and a "hopelessness model" suggesting an unchangeable problem. Overall, news stories exhibit resignation that nothing can be done to alleviate homelessness; they lack calls for action, responsibility and remedies regarding homelessness. A proposed conceptual continuum describes four levels of resignation about homelessness; each level reflects a different configuration of the two models. The study suggests directions for future research.
Increasing homeless households‟ rights to access social housing - whilst a laudable aim - nonetheless reinforces the expectation that social housing exists only to cater for those in the most severe housing need. A key criticism of social housing reforms under devolution is that they have failed to envision any radical future for the sector as a mainstream tenure of choice, and have instead largely accepted its role as welfare housing for the most vulnerable sections of society. Social housing has always been the „wobbly pillar‟ of the welfare state as it has never provided the same universal provision as other public services, such as comprehensive education or the National Health Service (Malpass 2010). Nonetheless, at its peak in the early 1980s it housed half the Scottish population and historically there has never been the same stigma attached to renting from a social landlord in Scotland as compared to other parts of the UK. This was because it was traditionally a larger tenure that housed a more general cross-section of the population. It was quite „normal‟ for working families in the 1970s and 1980s to live in social housing (or council housing as it was more commonly known then).
Among the larger population of unaccompanied homeless youth are subpopulations that are often clustered around historically oppressed demographics. American homeless youth consist of an overrepresentation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning youth; African American and American Indian youth; and youth with mental health disabilities. The twenty-first century has not yet seen the elimination of homelessness for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) youth in America. At a time when social tolerance and positive media coverage of LGBTQ issues, individuals, and relationships appear to be increasing, the experience of LGBTQ youth with family conflict, abuse, and abandonment remains entrenched in modern American culture. Severe family conflict, abuse, neglect, and abandonment all contribute to the social crisis of family displacement and homelessness for LGBTQ youth in America. A growing body of research points to the conclusion that each year hundreds of thousands of LGBTQ youth will experience homelessness. When compared to their non-LGBTQ counterparts, LGBTQ youth experience homelessness at more disproportionate rates, and they experience greater levels of physical and sexual exploitation while homeless.