pres. IV med. 2nd sing. d±hyasva (8.80.7a) 180
Kümmel (2000: 231).
181
Kümmel
loc. cit.d±ühata is the only attested example of this present stem which has the accentuation on the root, rather than the suffix. The stem dühá-, which is a thematic stem derived from an old nasal present, is transitive-factitive ‘fasten’, e.g. 10.101.8d mµ vaþ susroc camasó d±ühatā tám ‘let your cup not leak, fasten it!’ while d±hya- is intransitive, meaning ‘be fast, strong’, as in 3.30.15a índra d±hya yāmakośµ abhūvan ‘Indra, be strong, the travelling chests are ready’183. The middle voice imperative only occurs once, with apparently very similar meaning to the active: 8.80.7a índra d±hyasva p½r asi ‘Indra, be strong, you are a fortress’.
drā
‘run’root aor. act.3rd pl. drāntu (10.85.32d)
This verb has no present stem, being attested as a root aor., a sigmatic aorist (only in the subjunctive form drāsat), and as a perfect. This aorist appears to have a suppletive relationship with the present of the verb dru184. The forms drāhi and drātu are attested in the AV.
dru
‘run’pres. act. 2nd sing. dráva (8),3rd sing. drávatām (3.14.3a), 3rd pl. drávantu (2)
pres. caus. 2nd sing. drāváya (8.4.11a)
The causative form occurs once with the meaning ‘let flow’: 8.4.11ab ádhvaryo drāváyā tváü, sómam índraþ pipāsati ‘Adhvaryu, let the Soma flow, Indra wants to drink’. The intransitive stem drava- occurs several times in Book 8 in the seemingly formulaic sequence éhi dráva píba, as for example 8.17.11 ayáü ta indra sómo, nípūto ádhi barhíùi / éhīm asyá drávā píba ‘This is your Soma, purified on the altar- grass, come, hurry, drink it’.
dhanv
‘run’va-pres. 2nd sing. dhánva (12), 2nd pl. dhanvantu (4)
All but one of the attestations of the imperative of this root are in Book 9, and, addressed to Soma, mean ‘run, flow’. Although the present dhanva- was originally a
183
Cf. Joachim (1978: 96).
-va- stem from the IE root *dhenh2185, by the time of the RV it had become a root in its own right, as shown by forms such as the perfect dadhanvé and the aorist ádhanviùur186.
dham
‘blow’pres. act. 2nd sing. dhama (10.145.2c)
Appears once, with transitive function: 10.145.2cd sapátnīm me párā dhama, pátim me kévalaü kuru ‘Blow away my co-wife187, make my husband mine alone’
dhā
‘put, place, give’pres. act. 2nd sing. dhehí (64), dhattāt (3.8.1c),3rd sing. dádhātu (16),2nd dual dhattám (40), 3rd dual dhattµm (10.184.2d), 2nd pl. dhattá (12), dhattana (5), dádhāta (14), dádhātana (11), dhetana (2), 3rd pl. dadhatu (7.51.1d), dadhantu (7.62.6b)
pres. med. 2nd sing. dhatsva (10.87.2d),3rd pl. dadhatām (10.18.4d)
aor. act. 3rd sing. dhµtu (4),2nd dual. dhātam (3),2nd pl. dhµta (4), dhātana (7.47.4c),3rd pl. dhāntu (2)
aor. med. 2nd sing. dhiùvá (8)
perf. med. 2nd sing. dadhiùvá (6),2nd pl. dadhidhvam (3)
pres. caus. 2nd sing. dhāpaya (10.151.5d)
desid. 3rd pl. didhiùantu (3.8.6d) [aor. inj.dhµþ (40)]
Like some other roots ending in -ā, the verb dhā lacks a 2nd pers. sing. aor. impv. form. The aorist injunctive fills the gap. See p. 37ff. for details. For the form dhehí see p. 29. With the exception of dhehí, the only present form which has no parallel elsewhere is dhetana, which must have been formed analogically to dhehí. dhā is such a well-attested verb that it has a full complement of full- and zero-grade second
185
Hollifield (1978: 180ff.).
186See also
Gotō (1987: 178ff).187For a study of the meaning of the word sapátnī, and the history of its interpretation, see Kazzazi, 2001:175f.
person forms, both with and without the -na suffix. By comparison, the middle voice forms are very sparsely attested.
The present and aorist active forms are extremely common and invariably transitive. There are only two examples of the pres. med., both of them late, e.g.: 10.87.2d kravyµdo vktvy ápi dhatsvāsán ‘twist the raw-meat eaters around and put them in your mouth’, where the reflexive middle-voice affective meaning is clear. The aorist middle-voice forms are somewhat better represented, The form dhiùva appears twice in Book 6 (18.9c and 22.9c) in the formulaic dhiùva vájram háste ‘take the Vajra in your hand’, and one further time without háste at 45.18a. Elsewhere the form occurs with the same affective meaning: 1.91.18d diví śrávāüsy uttamµni dhiùva ‘take (for yourself) the highest glories’, and 3.6.6a ghtasnúvā róhitā dhurí dhiùva ‘set (for yourself) the two ruddy (horses) whose backs are covered with ghee at (your own) chariot-pole’.
Kümmel (2000: 274f.) considers the possibility that the forms dadhiùvá and dadhidhvam may actually belong to the reduplicated present. On purely formal grounds he classifies them as perfects, because the dhadhi- stem elsewhere only belongs to the perfect, while the reduplicated present has dadh-. He finds that the perfect and present middle-voice forms are equivalent in meaning, both being affective, e.g. 3.40.5ab dadhiùvµ jañháre sutáü, sómam indra váreõyam ‘put into your stomach the choice pressed Soma’.
The causative is only attested in the very late 10.151.5, and is in fact a causative variant of the well-known expression śrád dhā, ‘to believe’: śraddhµm prātár havāmahe, śraddhµm madhyáüdinam pári / śraddhµü s½ryasya nimrúci, śráddhe śrád dhāpayehá naþ ‘ We call on Belief in the morning, on Belief in the afternoon, on Belief at the setting of the sun, O Belief, make us believe here’.
The desiderative didhiùantu appears once at 3.8.6cd té devµsaþ sváravas tasthivµüsaþ, prajµvad asmé didhiùantu rátnam ‘these divine posts situated here; let them want to give us a child-rich gift’ 188.
dhāv
1 ‘stream’pres. act. 2nd sing. dhāva (3), 3rd sing. dhāvatu (4), 2nd pl. dhāvata (2)
The present active is intransitive, meaning ‘to flow’. When it has an accusative object, the meaning is ‘flow through’,189 e.g. 9.49.4a pavítraü dhāva dhµrayā ‘flow through the sieve in a stream’.