Adolescent developmental years

Adolescence is regarded as a crucial period in which fundamental aspects of the personality become shaped and organised into a coherent and stable sense of self. The stage is marked by a major developmental transition, laden with conflict and turmoil. The onset of puberty and sexual development marks the rising levels of sexual and growth hormones, fuelling much conflict, confusion, and sexual and aggressive impulses in these years. The physical, psychological and emotional challenges of adolescence are a complex adjustment and the resolution of these conflicts can be highly variable. Adolescents with a stable background, upbringing and developmental history are thought to resolve these challenges with less turmoil and upheaval. There may, however, be factors that place adolescents at greater risk of a more troubled transition during this developmental phase (Waddell, 2002).

In puberty, rapid physical changes coincide with psychological upheaval including identity conflicts, fragile sense of self and struggles for independence. Sexual and aggressive impulses intensify at this stage of development with the release of hormones and emotional change.

The frontal lobe, responsible for executive functioning, decision making, inhibition,

judgement, emotional and behavioural regulation, higher-level cognitive capacities (such as self-awareness and perspective-taking), does not reach full development till around the age of 25 years. Its relative immaturity at this stage is believed to influence adolescent risk- taking behaviours, which tend to be amplified (Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006).

Cognitively, adolescents are moving into the last stage of Piaget’s cognitive development called “formal operations”, usually attained by 15 years of age. At this stage, adolescents

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can hypothesise and think abstractly and imagine their futures (Berger, 1991). An important aspect of formal operational thought and cognitive maturity is the development of moral reasoning. As the child matures they become increasingly accountable for their actions and may try to apply moral standards to their behaviour. In adolescence, moral reasoning is more salient than at any other stage in the life span; this may be due to cognitive maturation that has enabled the adolescent to think more abstractly and to question morality and ethics in an effort to develop their own moral codes. Kohlberg (1963) suggests that adolescents will have attained stage three or four of moral reasoning, which is based on taking into account the perspective of other people or on moral justice and being law-abiding citizens. Adolescent delinquents, on the other hand, were more motivated to avoid punishment or to gain rewards for their actions.

For the adolescent, the social world and peer group are of supreme importance, while the family becomes less influential. Social life starts to extend and broaden. Caught between the world of no longer being a child but not quite being an adult, adolescents struggle with their newly found independence and what their futures might be. Emotional containment and regulation may be problematic for the developing adolescent, resulting in explosive expression and intense power struggles with authority figures such as parents or teachers (Waddell, 2002).

Adolescents may experience a heightened sense of self-censure, be susceptible to depression, isolation and may have a desperate need to fit in with their peer group. During this time, adolescents explore their identity through frequently changing their styles of dress, taste in music, and many other things (Waddell, 2002). This is one of the key developmental

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to self-selected goals. However, at such a time of emotional upheaval one’s sense of identity can be difficult to achieve.

Poorer negotiation of this developmental task can result in what Erickson described as identity confusion or identity diffusion (Berger, 1991; Mooney, 2000). This vulnerability, confusion, apathy and fragile sense of self can place adolescents at risk of destructive

behaviours and attitudes during periods of boredom or confusion. Then, they may engage in delinquent acts, such as destroying property or experimenting with alcohol. At these times, adolescents may not be in control or care about consequences, putting themselves and others at risk.

Confusion and conflict is at the core of the adolescent experience. In excess this stress can propel the adolescent into disturbing emotional and behavioural states. Normal

manifestations of disruption can be difficult to discriminate because there can be a fine line between pathological behaviour and normal adolescent processes. Delinquent behaviour generally peaks at the age of 14 years and is a way of rebelling and testing the boundaries of external authority. At this time, adolescents are detaching from parents, rejecting the

containment of home life and structure and may be defying authority figures (Waddell, 2002).

Adolescent stage of development and the relationship with fire

In the adolescent years the growing importance of peer acceptance, independence and defiance of authority figures is closely related to firesetting behaviour (Stadolnik, 2000). Kolko and Kazdin (1991a; 1994) found that adolescent firesetters exhibit higher levels of aggression and hostility as compared with those who set fires at other ages. Adolescents are

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thought to use fire more instrumentally as a weapon because they are angry, frustrated, bored, seeking revenge or counterattack (Kolko & Kazdin, 1986; Showers & Pickrell, 1987; Slavkin & Fineman, 2000; Yarnell, 1940).

Firesetting in adolescence is frequently viewed as serious delinquency and is thought to be a part of a larger collection of antisocial acts or conduct problems. This is why adolescent firesetting is frequently associated with delinquent motivated firesetting, which is thought to be a combination of negative peer influence, a wish to fit in and belong, poor decision making and antisocial tendencies (Slavkin & Fineman, 2000). Typically, the fires that delinquents set will be away from home, may include significant property destruction and generally involve two or more people (Yarnell, 1940).

Adolescent firesetting may stem from maladaptive psychosocial deficits and identity problems. Adolescents who are struggling to fit in and find an identity in their peer group may be motivated to light fires due to peer pressure. These adolescents may be involved in a one-off situational or transient firesetting incident because they have been led astray, are bored, have fallen in with the wrong peer group and want to gain their acceptance. At the other end of the spectrum is the more chronic delinquent firesetter who disregards other people’s property and safety, and may lack empathy and remorse due to more ingrained behavioural disturbances (such as conduct disorder) or personality problems (emerging antisocial personality disorder). These more risky antisocial adolescents at the extreme end of firesetting may be more appropriately placed and treated in a residential treatment setting (Sakheim & Osborn, 1991).

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The literature frequently distinguishes between child and adolescent firesetting in terms of motive, firesetting behaviours and clinical problems (Yarnell, 1940). Older children are more likely to engage in repeat firesetting and may be in contact with juvenile authorities. These older firesetters often plan their fires, seek out materials, set fires in pairs away from home, and cause more damage (Kolko & Kazdin, 1994; Lewis & Yarnell, 1951; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Strachan, 1981; Wolfe, 1984). Yarnell (1940) also found that adolescent boys were more sensation-seeking than girls because they appeared excited by the flames and watched the fire, enjoying its noise and destructiveness. Heightened sensory reinforcement from firesetting is more frequently associated with pathological firesetters.