Arrival of Enver

Enver, one of the three leaders of Ottoman government having decided to participate in the Great War at the side of Central Powers, had fled to Russia after the defeat and was in collaboration with the Bolsheviks. He was advocated by the leaders in Moscow and was prepared for a leadership in Anatolian National Resistance against imperial powers in case Mustafa Kemal’s movement failed. However, the things did not go on well for Enver. After Moscow Treaty, signed in 16 March 1921, between Kemal’s government and Moscow, Enver’s plans failed. And then, Enver changed his option and began making plans to pass over to Bukhara. “After the conclusion of the Soviet-Turkish Treaty of Friendship (March 1921, he realized that he could not get Soviet help against Kemal, and apparently decided to attempt the realization of his ambitions, using the Basmachi- the adherents of the Ex-

252 _{Andican, Ahad, Cedidizm’den Bagimsizliga Haricte TURKISTAN MUCADELESI, (Istanbul:Emre}

Yayinlari, 2003), 123.

253 _{Caroe, Olaf, Soviet Empire: The Turks of Central Asia and Stalinism, (New York: St. Martin’s}

98

Emir of Bukhara- as the first tool to his hand”.254 Enver offered the Soviets, with whom he was in good relation, to mediate between them and Basmachis. Although the Soviet elite in Moscow were suspicious of him, they accepted his offer and let him pass to Bukhara.

Enver was encouraged by Young Bukharan leaders to carry the flag of resistance. But, he was also opposed by some Central Asian anti-Bolshevik leaders. Although Enver was encouraged to get in resistance by several nationalist members of Bukharan new government including Osman Khodzhaev, Ali Reza beg and Abdulhamid Arif; Zeki Velide Togan, the leader of Turkestan National Union and ex-leader of Bashkurd government, was opposing to Enver’s will to join Basmachis. Even, Togan offered Enver to leave Turkestan for Afghanistan.255 In the letter, sent by Togan to Enver, Togan emphasized that Enver’s intervention in this war would cause the movement to gain a Pan-Islamist identity, and advised Enver to support the Turkestan movement by residing in Afghanistan remotely. Togan, in his letter, believed in reaching a solution through founding alliances with internal fractions inside Russia, for example he mentioned about cooperating with social revolutionists against the Bolsheviks and then forcing Bolsheviks to agree with themselves.256 In sum, Togan believed in solving Turkestan question among residents of Russia, not by an outside actor. It was clear that there was a dichotomy between Jadid leaders of Bukhara and Russian educated secular Muslim leaders about Enver’s attendance and leading for the resistance. But, Enver gave his decision to go through with his dreams.

254

Coates, Zelda K. and W.P., Soviets in Central Asia, (New York: Greenwood Press, Publishers, 1951), 80.

255 _{Hayit, Baymirza, Basmacilar: Turkistan Milli Mucadele Tarihi (1917-1934), (Turkiye Diyanet}

Vakfi Yayinlari, 1997), 198.

256

99

Enver stepped in Bukhara on October 1921 at the same month that Jemal was recalled by Lenin. Enver was sponsored by the Soviets and was sent to the region mediate between the Soviets and Basmachis and to complete Jemal’s mission. His aim, as announced, was the same as that which Jemal had failed to reach-alliance with Bolshevism in the fight for Islamic ideals against the so-called imperialism.257 However, he attempted to do the same thing that Jemal had tried. He focused on organizing the resistance against the Soviets and rescuing Turkestan from Bolshevik rule instead of pacifying the resistance on Turkistan lands and mobilizing a struggle for Islamic ideals against British imperialism. Both of the two attempts of the Soviet leaders failed. Both Enver and Jemal targeted the Soviets after a while despite having a common mission on behalf of the Soviets. The policy of Soviets did not operate well. Although the Soviet elite planned to hit British imperialism through the Islamic ideals and probable struggle that were planned to organize by Enver and Jemal, they became victims of pan-Turkist ideals and programs of Enver and Jemal. The main aim was to firstly finish the rebels’ resistance and keep stability in Turkistan, and then brings Amanullah’s Afghanistan who was in antagonist position against Britain, closer to the Soviet side and then creates a revolutionary wind there that would probably strike India, under British imperialism. However, the Red Army had to deal with the chaotic situation and played into trouble in Turkistan as a result. Enver put his plans into practice immediately and joined the Basmachi groups. “Enver Pasha appropriated the old dream of a Pan-Turanian empire, which from the springboard of Turkistan would reproduce the conquests of Cinghiz Khan and Taymur(Timur). He would be the new conqueror, and Turkey would rid itself of Kemal and join his

257 _{Caroe, Olaf, Soviet Empire: The Turks of Central Asia and Stalinism, (New York: St. Martin’s}

100

empire.” 258

Enver purposed to unite all separate forces of the Basmachi groups. And, he dreamed of founding a Central Asian Muslim state. Enver’s dream did not find enough support from Central Asians and did not create the same impact as it did for Western Turkes upon Central Asian Muslims, because it was difficult to persuade and encourage Central Asians regarding Pan-Turanism like Western Turks. Although Jadids were, in one sense, influenced by Pan-Turkist and PanTuranian ideas through the Tatar Muslim intellectuals’ opinions; the pan-Turanian dream in minds of Bukharan and Khivan Jadids was a bit different from the one in minds of Western Turks. For Bukharan Uzbek intellectuals and elite, pan-Turanism meant greater Uzbekistan, so it was same with Enver’s dreams of unifying all Turkic Muslims in West and East under one flag. After taking the leadership of the Basmachi groups, he gave an ultimatum to the Soviet leaders to withdraw their forces from Turkistan at once.259 Moscow responded to him by sending Red Army. Enver sent his emissaries to afghan emir to demand aid for his resistance. Afghanistan responded to Enver’s demand and sent a thousand Afghan troops to Enver.260 These Afghan troops served as Enver’s special guards during his resistance. There are also claims around British support for Enver’s movement in spite of enough and strong evidence about this.

Some said-with what truth we do not know that-Enver received funds and arms from Britain; the only thing certain is that the Basmachi had English rifles and ammunition, possibly obtained earlier British agents in Turkistan.261

The Basmachi movement strengthened after Enver’s participation. Although Enver had some problems with tribal chieftains in the beginning, he succeeded in creating excitement against the Soviets in the early times. Enver Pasha’s activities

258 _{Carrere D’Encausse, Hèlene, trans.,Islam and the Russian Empire Reform and Revolution in}

Central Asia, (London: I.B.Tauris-Co Ltd, 1966), 178.

259 _{Allworth, Edward et al., Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, ed. Edward Allworth, (New}

York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 252.

260 _{Coates, Zelda K. and W.P., Soviets in Central Asia, (New York: Greenwood Press, Publishers,}

1951), 80.

261 _{Coates, Zelda K. and W.P., Soviets in Central Asia, (New York: Greenwood Press, Publishers,}

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also enabled the movement to strengthen more and attract more supporters who were discontent under suppression of the Soviet regime. The soaring resistance of Basmachi forces after Enver’s arrival in the area and the Soviets’ suppression over the new government of Bukharan Peoples’ Republic caused a government crisis. The prominent leaders of the new regime’s government shifted to Basmachis’ side. For example, Mirza Abdulqadir Muhiddinov, one of the chief leaders of the Young Bukharan Party, Muhiddin Maqsumov, and the republic’s minister of police and their supporters shifted to the side of Basmachi rebels. Basmachi revolt strengthened towards the end of 1921 in spite of domestic clashes among separate groups inside the movement.262 For example, Abdul Hamid Beg, minister of war and Ali Reza Beg, minister of interior joined Enver’s front. Even, Osman Khodzhaev, president of republic, left Bukhara secretly in order for attending the Basmachi revolt.263 This event weakened the efficiency of the republic and added power and legitimacy of the Basmachis and increased fame and the position of the revolt. The efficiency of the movement began to be felt inside the government of the new regime in Bukhara. Even, Fayzallah Khodzhaev was attempted to assassinate in summer 1922 and Enver was suspected of this attempt.264 On the other hand, the incapability of uniting the separate groups and continuous rivalry among tribes were preventing Enver’s dreams. Also, Enver’s personal ambition and lack of tact caused his partners to disobey his authority and side against him.265 He used the title of “Commander in chief of all Muslim Troops, the son in law the Caliph and representative of the

262 _{Allworth, Edward et al., Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, ed. Edward Allworth, (New}

York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 251.

263 _{Ibid, 252.}

264 _{Carrere D’Encausse, Hèlene, trans., Islam and the Russian Empire Reform and Revolution in}

Central Asia, (London: I.B.Tauris-Co Ltd, 1966), 179.

265

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Prophet.”266

This benefited him to establish a strong authority among the rebels and tribes, besides it was helpful to enable unity in the region. On the other hand, he collided with the ex-Emir, who was the most prominent advocate for the Basmachis, because of the use of title of “Emir of Turkistan”. Enver’s use of this title in his orders angered ex-Emir Alim because of the fear of shadowing his authority. “His signing of orders with the pompous title of ‘commander in chief of all Muslim troops, so in law of the Caliph, and representative of the prophet’ put him on bad terms with the emir, Alim Khan. Gradually, his coalition force fell to pieces, and he came to the point of battling with his former allies”.267

The prominent Basmachi commanders Ibrahim Beg Lakai, loyal to the emir, left the Enver’s command.268 Enver was killed in a sudden attack of the Red Army units in the morning on 4 August 1922 in Baljuvan, a village in eastern Bukhara.269 His struggle did not last so long, but it did leave an effect which would last more. He became a symbol of dream for unity between Western and Eastern Turks.