Audience response

In this section the responses to the audience questionnaire are analysed. The numbers participating in the questionnaire are such that responses to this data provide inferences and suggestions rather than authoritative conclusions. Given that some statements on the questionnaire place an emphasis on class I have provided a breakdown of the class composition of the audiences surveyed. The responses from the two venues are presented separately in order to identify any significant

divergence between the two sets of results, that is, a venue based in the village referenced in the piece and a venue based in a large city in South Yorkshire. Both venues are similar to those discussed in John McGrath’s A Good Night Out and this text will be used in the latter stages of this chapter to reflect on the performances of A Good Neet Aht and the implications for the performance of place and comedy.

The analysis of the data from the questionnaires revealed flaws in the statements that required a response. For example, whereas statement 1 was clearly asking for a response to the performance, statement 2 asked participants to engage in the

philosophical nature of belonging and place and, therefore, lacked the directness and clarity needed given the context of venue and performance. Similarly statement 3 allowed respondents to consider their own experience whereas statements 4 and 5 were, again, more philosophical in nature.

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The table below shows the results of the self-identification of class. Some of the responses to this question extended the notion of performance as social situation into the written responses, especially in terms of comedy. For example, two respondents from Sharlston answered ‘Upper’ (Appendix 3B pp. 255 & 259) and yet another answered, ‘working class working towards upper working class!!’ (Appendix 3B p.

267). Moreover, another Sharlston respondent inserted ‘It’s grim up north!’ after every ‘Any other comments’ and for class identity wrote ‘Dregsville’ (Appendix 3B pp.

256-257). It could be argued that these responses are typical of the ‘them and us’

attitude observed by Hoggart, an ‘ironically vigorous protest’ (2009, p. 62) aimed at debunking art or deflating the pretensions of one of their own.

Table 5: self-identification of class belonging

Self-identification of class belonging

5.2.1 The performer’s identity has been shaped by the places he has lived

Table 6: Response to statement 1 1 Strongly

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All responses to the statement were in agreement. There were few additional comments. However, one respondent stated that ‘they really got a feel for it’

(Appendix 3A, p. 218). ‘It’ expressing their response to the evocation of place. If the audience are in agreement that identity is shaped by place it would suggest that the presentation of the locale, that is, the concrete form or the material setting for social relations, elicits a subjective emotional attachment or, in other words a sense of place.

‘Very nuanced performance that dealt with issues of place and identity sensitively, yet directly’ (Appendix 3A, p.188)

5.2.2 It is a universal truth that we have no control over our place of birth but we live with the consequences forever

Table 7: Response to statement 2 1 Strongly

Agree

2 Agree 3 Neither 4 Disagree 5 Strongly disagree

No Answer Sharlston 10 Sharlston 6 Sharlston 1 Sharlston 1 Sharlston 0 Sharlston 0

Sheffield 12 Sheffield 18 Sheffield 2 Sheffield 4 Sheffield 0 Sheffield 0 Total 22 Total 24 Total 3 Total 5 Total 0 Total 0

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The majority of respondents agreed with this statement. Implicit within it is that place shapes our identities. Some respondents were ambivalent to the statement or

disagreed with it. The additional comments suggest that these reactions were influenced by the word ‘consequences’. It was seen as a pejorative and, as such, stressing the negative influence of place. However, some responses suggested the statement may have a correlation with Meier’s emotional geography (2016).

Agree with the statement but don’t like the negative connotations assumed by using the word consequences’ (Appendix 3A, p. 204)

‘The word consequence, to me, implies a negative issue?’ (Appendix 3A, p. 220)

‘Agree to a point. Our hearts remain where we grew up and remain in our memories’

(Appendix 3A, p. 208)

5.2.3 Your perception of place depends on your class

Table 8: Response to statement 3 1 Strongly

Agree

2 Agree 3 Neither 4 Disagree 5 Strongly disagree

No Answer Sharlston 7 Sharlston 2 Sharlston 3 Sharlston 2 Sharlston 2 Sharlston 0

Sheffield 4 Sheffield 19 Sheffield 9 Sheffield 3 Sheffield 1 Sheffield 0 Total 11 Total 21 Total 12 Total 5 Total 3 Total 0

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Although the majority agreed with this statement a significant number either

disagreed or held no view. Where people commented on this there was a tendency to highlight the role of the individual in shaping perception rather than any particular class identity. At least one answer identified a North/South divide stating ‘I think it’s more of a North/South thing. More of an identity in the North – no one is strongly identified with Northampton for example’ (Appendix 3A, p. 226)

‘Very difficult to answer as I only really know my story’ (Appendix 3A, p. 180)

‘Wherever you grow up you get used to certain cultural norms and values that can influence your views on other areas where social standing might be different’

(Appendix 3A, p. 202)

‘Everything is dependent on how we approach it (Appendix 3A, p. 222)

5.2.4 Place is defined by the people that live there

Table 9: Response to statement 4 1 Strongly

Agree

2 Agree 3 Neither 4 Disagree 5 Strongly disagree

No Answer Sharlston 10 Sharlston 6 Sharlston 1 Sharlston 1 Sharlston 0 Sharlston 1

Sheffield 8 Sheffield 18 Sheffield 5 Sheffield 3 Sheffield 1 Sheffield 0 Total 18 Total 24 Total 6 Total 4 Total 1 Total 1

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There was broad agreement with this statement although even those in agreement felt the need to qualify their response with a written comment. Most notably there was a strand of opinion that placed an emphasis on place being defined by external forces such as the media and the state or government. This reflects the experiences presented in the piece: the identification of place with the people that live there and the ‘othering’ imposed by external forces.

‘Strangers define people by the place they live’ (Appendix 3A, p. 208)

‘Place and people form a whole, can’t be separated’ (Appendix 3A, p. 223)

5.2.5 If you’re working-class you have a stronger sense of place

Table 10: Response to statement 5 1 Strongly

This was the most contentious statement with just over half agreeing. As with previous questions there were doubts about the class nature of the statement and preferring to place the focus on the individual. Some comments suggested that the truth, as they saw it, behind the statement was based on the fact that working-class communities were less geographically mobile and therefore were liable to stay in one particular place.

‘Possibly. Maybe if you’re working class in some instances you have less opportunity to move’ (Appendix 3A, p. 236)

‘But working-class people are less likely to move. University and middle class jobs bring migration’ (Appendix 3A, p. 173)

‘How to measure it? Someone of any class can have a strong connection to place’

(Appendix 3A, p. 181)

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‘Not necessarily stronger, but certainly a different experience’ (Appendix 3A, p. 189)

‘Completely subjective and based on the individual. Not sweeping generalisations about class.’ (Appendix 3A, p. 205)

‘A sense of place/community often emerges through a common struggle or fight – this is more common amongst working-class communities’ (Appendix 3A, p. 225)

‘A pride that feels misplaced or confusing sometimes but a pride you can’t ignore’

(Appendix 3A, p. 230)

5.3 ‘Irreverent background noise and shit beer’:

From A