The Bad Deeds of the Government 38

During Grey’s first term as governor, he managed to keep the question of Maori land at bay.155 _{However, trouble in relation to Maori land began in 1843}

in Wairau, an event dubbed the 'Wairau Massacre'.156 _{Following this was the}

eviction of Ngati Toa from the Hutt Valley because of a suspicious land deal signed between Te Ati Awa and the Crown. Clashes took place between Ngati Toa and the Crown at Taita, Boulcott’s Farm, Pauatahanui and the Horokiri Valley, which led to the arrest of Te Rauparaha in 1846.157 While tensions in Wellington were increasing, so were hostilities in the far north at Kororareka. Hone Heke believed that 'rangatiratanga' promised in the Treaty was being usurped by British authority. Kawiti and Hone attacked Kororareka on the 10 March 1845. This was the first instance of Kupapa forces being used by the British.158

Grey’s intervention in the Wellington unrest was based on his firm belief that, 'Maori and Europeans shall be equally protected, and live under equal laws.'159 However, Patricia Burns comments that these laws were, 'entirely those of the Europeans.'160 _{This was because Grey’s vision did not encompass legal and}

political pluralism.161 _{It was his 'high moral tone'}162 _{that led him to be a key}

figure in the colonial era for Maori in the struggle for the major economic resource at the time, land.

154 _{Refer to Monica Wilson and Leonard Thomson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa: South Africa to 1870}

(London: Oxford University Press, 1969) for information on Grey’s time in South Africa.

155 _{Arthur Jose, The Growth of the Emprie: A Handbook to the History of Greater Britian (Unknown: Bibliolife, 2008),}

398.

156 _{Ranginui Walker, “Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou,” 101-102.}

157 _{Micheal King, Nga Iwi o te Motu (Auckland: Reed Publishing, 2004), 37-38; Richard Boast, "Ngati Toa and the}

Colonial State" (research report prepared for The Waitangi Tribunal, Wellington, 1998), 46-56.

158 _{Michael King, The Penguin History of New Zealand (Auckland: Penguin, 2003), 184-185.} 159 _{Grey to Te Rauparaha, 16 Feburary 1846, IA46/799, Archives New Zealand, Wellington.} 160 _{Patricia Burns, Te Rauparaha: A New Perspective (Auckland: Reed Publishing, 1980), 271.} 161 _{Boast, “Ngati Toa and the Colonial State,” 50.}

39 After Kororareka, a time of peace occurred. Interaction with Europeans

differed around the country, from the now wealthy Waikato iwi, who grew mass

amounts of produce to supply Auckland, to iwi who had little to no contact with

any Europeans like Tuhoe, Ngati Maniapoto, and Tuwharetoa.163 _{However, in}

1860 the European population began to outnumber Maori for the first time, so much so that places like Auckland and New Plymouth were deemed to be over-crowded. It seemed to some rangatira that Maori culture, mana, and traditional society would be erased if preventative steps were not taken. Stopping the sale of land was a key part of this.164

To stop land sales, Wiremu Tamihana of Ngati Haua became an advocate for the establishment of a Maori King. A key contribution to this was advice from a friend to be less reliant on the British Government but to work with Maori who would help with what the Governor denied.165 Wiremu tried to see Grey, 'to lay before him the lawless condition of the country' and to remedy this situation. Unfortunately, a subordinate mistreated him.166 This mistreatment furthered his desire to establish a Maori King who would '…hold the mana or prestige over the land; secondly mana over man; thirdly, to stop the flow of blood.' He hoped that, 'the Maori King and the Queen of England [would] be joined in concord'167 Iwikau, like many others, refused to take up the position, so at a hui called,

'hinana ki uta, hinana ki tai'168 _{at Pukawa, a rangatira from Ngati Mahuta, Te}

Wherowhero 169 _{became the monarch of Maoridom. This was strongly}

supported by Iwikau and to this day some in Tuwharetoa regard this gathering as more important than the signing of the Treaty.170

163 _{King, “Nga Iwi o te Motu,” 39.} 164 _{Ibid, 40.}

165 _{Evelyn Stokes, Wiremu Tamihna: Rangatira (Wellington: Huia, 2002), 135; John Gorst, The Maori King (London:}

Macmillan, 1864), 81-82.

166 _Ibid.

167 _{Pei Te Hurinui Jones, “Maori Kings,” in The Maori People in the Nineteen-Sixties, ed. Erik Schwimmer, (Auckland:}

Longman Paul, 1960), 223–224.

168 _{CFRT, “Te Taumarumarutanga o Ngati Tuwharetoa,”286.}

169 _{When Te Wherowhero was instilled at Ngaruawahia he took his more commonly known name, Potatau. Refer to}

King, “Nga Iwi o te Motu,” 40.

40 European settlers saw this as a blatant attempt to stop land being sold171

which led in the end to further unrest. The first case was in Taranaki, where Government officials bought the Tataraimaka block from a rangatira with no right to sell it. The owners continued occupation and resisted Grey’s attempts to remove them by force.172 _{Grey used Maniapoto’s participation in the conflict,}

and propaganda about an alleged threat, to attack Auckland. This was his justification to subjugate the Kingitanga and invade the Waikato.173

The struggle with Waikato led to further battles with Ngai Te Rangi in Tauranga because of their steadfast support of Waikato against Cameron and Grey. Over nine months, ending with the battle at Orakau, plus the skirmishes

in Tauranga, over 1000 Maori and 700 Pakeha died. This was followed by the

major confiscation of 1.3 million hectares of whenua.174 _{The Crown was very}

indiscriminate with regard to who had land taken from them in these confiscations. They took land from those who did not even take part in the fighting. One of the most famous examples was that of Ngati Apakura from Te Awamutu who were evicted by colonial troops and settled in the territory of

Tuwharetoa hapu Ngati Karauia at Tokaanu. This story is memorialised by the

waiata, 'He Tangi mo Te Wano'.175

At this time, there was a leadership change in Waikato and Tuwhretoa. Potatau was replaced by his son Tawhiao and Iwikau was succeeded by his nephew Horonuku. Horonuku felt obligated to support his Waikato relations and Tuwharetoa, mostly from the Matapuna area, participated at Ohia, Haerini, and Orakau.176 However, other factions of Tuwharetoa (particularly from the Te Hikuwai)177 under the control of rangatira like Poihipi Tukairangi fought on the

171 _{King, “Nga Iwi o te Motu,” 40.}

172 _{Alan Ward, “A ‘Savage War of Peace’,” in Raupatu: The Confiscation of Maori Land, eds. Richard Boast and}

Richard Hill, (Wellington: VUP, 2009), 103-109.

173 _{King, “Nga Iwi o te Motu,” 41; Evelyn Stokes, “Wiremu Tamihana,” 156.} 174 _{King, “Nga Iwi o te Motu,” 41.}

175 _{Apirana Ngata and Pei Te Hurinui Jones, eds. "Nga Moteatea," Auckland University Press, Vol. 1, 316 (Auckland,}

2004); This waiata is also more commonly known by the name, “E Pa to Hau.”

176 _{CFRT, “Te Taumarumarutanga o Ngati Tuwharetoa,”298; George Te Waaka Asher, Waitangi Tribunal, CNI Inquiry.}

[Brief of Evidence, 29 April 2005], 6.

41

side of the Crown.178 _{A peace was brokered at Oruanui at the end of fighting}

between those who supported the Kingitanga and the Crown. The outcome was that Kingitanga fighters would return to their own whenua, retain their arms, and the mana and sovereignty of Tawhiao would be acknowledged. However, the Crown was not as forgiving as the Crown supporters, and peace did not last long in Tuwharetoa.179