Major surfaced roads Major unsurfaced roads
CASE STUDIES OF DIAMOND MINING SETTLEMENTS IN NIMIKORO CHIEFDQM
The Choice of Case Studies and Methodology of the Surveys
There are about urban and semi-urban settlements in cen tral Kono. Of these, some are virtually cuburbs of the larger towns, while some are chiefdom centres and others are S.L.S.T./ N.D.M.C. mining camps. Although Yengema has developed as a town, with a large population which is not employed by the
company, most of the other N.D.M.C. camps are small institution alised settlements close to the diamond washing plants and sec urity posts. V/hen mining ceases and the company finally closes down, these mining camps are the least likely settlements to survive. Chiefdom towns exist in their own right as central places in the chiefdom, as well as gaining income and growth
through diamond mining. A few settlements of a semi-urban (rank *f) nature, have grown up on the main Freetown/Koidu road, some having the added impetus of proximity to diamond deposits.
This leaves about thirty settlements which are very close to, or on top of, diamond deposits, and which would appear to be diamond mining towns. Many of the other places ranked 2, 3 and b (the chiefdom centres, roadside settlements and mining camps) are also to a greater or lesser extent, diamond mining towns, as well as a considerable proportion of the large villages ranked 5* It has been shown in the previous chapter that these settlements have grown very rapidly during the diamond era and that they have developed as urban central places in a distinct hierarchy. It has also been shown that the chiefdoms in which
they are situated are virtually dominated by diamond mining, showing characteristics of population, migration and occupation that are associated with the diamond rush*
An aim of this study is to describe in detail the new kind of urban form that has developed in this part of Africa: to examine the migrant population and its occupation structure, the construction of the buildings and the shape and function of the settlements. It is an entirely new urban form of settle ment that has developed where before there were only rural vill ages. The most obvious reason for this growth and change is the exploitation of diamond deposits. Therefore it is import ant not only to describe the new form of urban settlement, but also to assess the dominance of diamond mining and to ascertain the extent to which mining settlements are permanent features of the urban pattern. The following chapters will show that larger urban centres are more diversified in their occupational structures and less dependent upon primary activities, in part icular mining. It will also suggest the likely Severity of the decline, and emigration from the area once the diamond deposits are exhausted.
In studying diamond mining settlements case studies of min ing towns were selected, as being representative of all the mining settlements of central Kono District. Chiefdom head quarters, company mining camps, suburbs and places some dis tance from any diamond deposits were excluded from the possible list of settlements (with the exception of Koidu).
The first criterion for the cho$ce of case studies was to select both from a declining area and from an expanding area.
Most mining settlements in central Kono were stagnating by the mid-1970*s. There was no excessive boom or decline taking place in any area, but the northern part of Kamara chiefdom provides the best example of decline over a long period. Other
towns along the Bafi river, especially Yomadu and Seidu, have shown modest and sustained prosperity. An area of expansion and boom was selected in central Nimikoro chiefdom. The mid- 1970's saw increased I.D.M. operations on the swamp deposits of the Bandafayi river system to the south west of Yengema. Thus these two areas were chosen for the selection of case studies.
Other criteria had to be satisfied if the case studies were to be representative. Settlements had to come from each of the ranks
1
,2
and3
» and also from A, although this being semi- urban was not considered to be quite as important as the higher ranked towns. In being selected from each rank, different pop ulation sizes and functions would be studied. Different settle ment morphologies should also be exhibited by the case studies. The last section in the previous chapter shows that this crit erion was met. Twin settlements should not be split and,any way, this phenomenon being widespread in central Kono, it was worthy of study. Case studies should also represent A.D.M.S. and I.D.M. settlements;and be distributed between central and peripheral areas. Other differences worth considering werethose places with access to the river deposits of the Bafi/Sewa, and those close to the swamp and stream gravels of the central
area. The river deposits encourage larger towns rather than the scattered huts, villages and small towns which are located on the widespread stream, and swamp deposits.
It was difficult to locate declining rank 4 settlements as these were likely to have returned to being villages. Concen trations of these settlements are in Nimiyema, Nimikoro and Gbense chiefdoms, mainly in the more central areas on swamp de posits. It was important to locate rank 4 settlements away from large urban concentrations, such as Koidu, where they may be suburbs. The study of taxpaying populations of places this size suggests an interchange of population, especially in boom and decline periods, between rank 4 and higher ranked settle ments. As there were few rank 4 mining settlements in northern Kamara, two examples were selected in central Nimikoro. Their taxpaying figures suggested a relationship between these two places and the other case studies selected in this area.
Bumpeh and Njalla in Nimikoro and Peyima and Sukudu in Kamara were selected as representative of all aspects of rank 2 and 3 settlements. It was not feasible to isolate Sukudu from Peyima, these being twin towns. Whereas Peyima may be considered to be at the upper end of rank 3* Sukudu is clearly at the bottom, virtually rank 4. There was also evidence that Peyima had not declined as severely as Sukudu. Both towns are in the A.D.M.S. block. Bumpeh, in central Kono, has grown largely as an I.D.M. town. In form it resembles Seidu and Yomadu, to the north. Bum peh also has a small N.D.M.C. camp adjacent to the main part of
the town. Njalla, peripheral to the central area, is on the N.D.M.C. lease, but is close to a small A.D.M.S. area, thus benefitting from both types of mining. Bumpeh is growing fast, whereas Njalla has
expanded much more slowly. Illicit mining rank 4 settlements in the area between Bumpeh and Njalla are Ndoyogbor, having some relationship to Bumpeh, and Bongema, which relates to Njalla.
All criteria for the choice of case studies are satisfied by these six settlements. Each settlement obviously does not satisfy all criteria, as no one settlement can. An overlap of features and types has been ensured to make the six case studies as representative of other mining towns, as any other group chosen to satisfy the same conditions.
The main case study is rather more a study on its own. Koidu/New Sembehun, being the primate city of Kono, is not re presentative of anything else in the district, although it can be compared with other places of a similar large size, such as Kenema or Bo, or mining settlements in other parts of Africa. A few short studies were made of Koidu during its period of rapid growth. Because the town changed and grew so rapidly, these studies were immediately outdated. Now that the growth and de velopment of the town have been brought under control, this present study of Koidu describes the place as it exists at the latter part of the diamond era. The study of Koidu is more in tensive and wide ranging than the analyses of the smaller towns, because of its dominance and importance.
The shape, functions and growth of the case study settlements were analysed by the use of air photographs, tax figures and in
terviews with chiefs, elders and residents of each of the settle ments. To compile information on house type, population, place
of origin, .tribe, occupation, migration and family ties, a questionnaire survey was carried out in all of the case study settlements. It was not practicable, and would probably have been less accurate, to survey every household in every settle ment, so sample surveys were carried out between November 1975 and March 1976.^
The problem in choosing a sample size was not knowing the population or exact size of the settlements at the time of the surveys. Each of the six smaller settlements was divided into four, five or six sections, according to the
1966
air photographs of Nimikoro and 1958 photographs of Kamara. Ten households were then selected randomly in each section, ensuring, however, that they were scattered throughout the whole section. As there gen erally were not streets within each of these sections, a random scatter was fairly easy to achieve. A household was defined as a shared living unit, with one person who was considered the head of the household to whom all other members owed some sort of all egiance by blood, marital relationship or financially, such as a servant or lodger. The households could thus include more than one2