Changed development and water resources paradigms

Africa’s large dams and development initiatives are said to evolve around changed development and water resources paradigms. In the case of development paradigms, sustainable development is now a counterpoint paradigm to modernisation and reflects changed political and development ideology at a different historical time (Long, 1992; Preston, 1996; Simon, 1997). It is argued for instance that modernisation leads to the formation of an industrial society which expands social cooperation and increases humans’ control of nature and society based on the application of advanced technology and science (Hancock, 2006). In most cases industrialisation is attained under a political authority based on a rationalised, standardised and legally convenient format of administration in order to simplify performance and with sovereignty over a territory; the State (Scott, 1998). Such a political authority with sovereign territory levies taxes in order to enhance the state’s capacity to design and implement development programmes, which are ‘classic state functions’ (ibid: 2) such as the large dams constructed by the US Corps of Engineers in the early 19th century for irrigation, hydropower and flood control in the mid and western United States. Such state-led development programmes resulted from a convergence of politics and economics.

The impact of a type of development paradigm on the construction of large dams was amply demonstrated when modernisation was the dominant development paradigm from 1950 to 1989, when about 22,270 large dams, as detailed in Table 5.4, were constructed including some in Africa (Bergeret and Bister, 2003). Thus because the modernisation paradigm emphasises the use of science and technology for industrialisation it favoured the construction of large dams to support irrigation, hydropower, water supply and flood control in Africa.

Table 5.4: Recent international declarations and programmes

No Programmes Relevance to Africa Date

1. US African Growth and

Opportunity Act

(AGOA)

The Act seek to offer tangible incentives for African countries to continue their efforts to open their economies and build free markets and to helps integrate Africa into the global economy.

Signed into law on May 18, 2000

2. China-Africa

Cooperation in Economic and Social Development

To acknowledge the imperatives for a dynamic, new strategic partnership between Africa and China with a commitment to co-operating in all fields, especially social and economic development, on the basis of equality and mutual respect with a view to renewing, developing and expanding China-Africa co-operation in the 21st century.

China-Africa Cooperation Forum -- Ministerial Conference, October 12, 2000 in Beijing. 3. ACP-EU Partnership Agreements

The agreement aims to alleviate poverty and to promote sustainable development and the integration of the ACP countries into the world economy.

Though signed in Cotonou, Benin. June 2000 it took effect in 2003.

4. UN Millennium

Declaration

The main purpose was to address the imbalance in the distribution of benefits and costs as a result of globalisation even though it offers great opportunities. In this regard developing countries and countries with economies in transition face special difficulties and challenges. Thus, only through broad and sustained efforts to create a shared future, based upon our common humanity in all its diversity, can globalization be made fully inclusive and equitable. These efforts must include policies and measures, at the global level, which correspond to the needs of developing countries and economies in transition and are formulated and implemented with their effective participation.

8 September 2000

5. G8 communiqué at the Genoa Summit

To support the consolidation of democracy, pluralism and electoral fairness in an increasing number of African countries. Encourage similar progress towards political openness where democratic principles and the rule of law are weak. Stress the importance of working in partnership with African governments to improve access of African products to world markets, attract foreign direct investment and promote investment in key social sectors, in particular health and education. Implementing the HIPC Initiative will release resources for such expenditure.

July 2001

6. Millennium Challenge Corporation

The United States Government Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) mission is to reduce global poverty by working with the poorest countries in the world through the promotion of sustainable economic growth based on the principle that aid is most

Established in January 2004

effective when it reinforces good governance, economic freedom and investments in people.

7. Gleneagles Declaration A doubling of aid by 2010 - an extra $50 billion worldwide and $25 billion for Africa; Writing-off immediately the debts of 18 of the world's poorest countries, most of which are in Africa. This is worth $40 billion now, and as much as $55 billion as more countries qualify;

Writing off $17 billion of Nigeria's debt, in the biggest single debt deal ever;

A commitment to end all export subsidies. A date for this, probably 2010, should be agreed at the World Trade Organisation's Ministerial in December. The G8 have also committed to reducing domestic subsidies, which distort trade;

Developing countries will "decide, plan and sequence their economic policies to fit with their own development strategies, for which they should be accountable to their people";

As close to universal access to HIV/AIDS treatments as possible by 2010;

Funding for treatment and bed nets to fight malaria, saving the lives of over 600,000 children every year;

Full funding to totally eradicate Polio from the world;

By 2015 all children will have access to good quality, free and compulsory education and to basic health care, free where a country chooses to provide it.

2005

8. The Africa Commission Report

Its aim has been to generate ideas and action that will 'accelerate and sustain Africa's growth and development, leading to a strong and prosperous continent.'

March 2005

Source: The African Growth and Opportunity Act (2000), Programme for China-Africa Cooperation in Economic and Social Development, (2004),

ACP-EU Partnership Agreements (2000), Millennium Declaration (2000), G8 communiqué at the Genoa Summit (2001), Gleneagles Declaration (2005), and The Africa Commission Report (2005). Millennium Challenge Corporation (accessed 21/11/2007) http://www.mcc.gov/about/index.php

But the rise of the sustainable development paradigm as an antithesis of modernisation led to a significant reduction in the number of large dams built in Africa, even though there are still believed to be technically- and financially-feasible large dam sites on the continent. The reduction of large dam construction is attributed to the conceptual underpinning of sustainable development to safeguard the welfare of future generations and the environment (OECD, 2001). Sustainable development therefore requires the elimination of what are regarded as negative externalities of development projects such as large dams perceived to be responsible for natural resource depletion and environmental degradation in order to prevent developmental or demographic overshoot that might result in social impoverishment and the collapse of ecological systems (OECD, 2001; Caldwell, 1996). The sustainable development paradigm therefore contributed to the fall in the number of large dams built from 1990 to 1999 in comparison to other decades, as shown in Table 5.5. In this case the sustainable development paradigm highlights large dams’ environmental and social costs.

Table 5.5: Number of additional new dams constructed by decade 1950 - 199949

Time Periods (Decade) Number of New Dams Constructed

1950 – 1959 3213

1960 – 1969 5972

1970 – 1979 7511

1980 – 1989 5574

1990 – 1999 3354

Source: With data from Bergeret and Bister (2003)

The debate about large dam construction in Africa is also partly influenced by paradigmatic shifts in water resources development. In the past, water infrastructures dominated water resources development but they were jettisoned in favour of integrated water resources management (Biswas, 2004). The change in paradigm was due to three factors. The first was disfavour with the social and environmental impact of large water infrastructure, partly influenced by Schumacher’s (1973) ‘small is beautiful’ thesis of development which argues against modern industries and infrastructure because they require much resource use yet are said to accomplish little because of their high level of inefficiency (ibid). Schumacher (1973) believes that large-scale projects could not represent progress because they are environmentally destructive and lead to the concentration and consolidation of economic power in the hands of a few (ibid), and are therefore an inappropriate development strategy (Lin, 2003). Schumacher (1973) and Lin (2003) also argue that minor technology transfer to Third World countries will not solve the underlying problem of unsustainable economic development, even though it is based on the need to close the industry

and technology gap between developed and developing countries. Consequently, Schumacher calls for ‘a new orientation of science and technology’ (ibid) towards small-scale projects – including water-related ones – in communities because they have a greater impact on the needs of local people and poverty in contrast to large-scale projects which almost never benefit the majority or poor members of society (ibid). This critique of large projects questions the imperative of large dams and has significantly contributed to the reduction in their construction.

Finite and declining water resources – particularly their long-term impact on the environment – is the second factor that contributed to the paradigmatic shift from water resources development to management (Falkenmark, 1989a & 1990; Gleick, 2000 & 2002; WWC, 2000). Water management, according to Falkenmark and Rockstrom (2004), is based on increased understanding of the interrelationships between water and the environment which led to a ‘shift in thinking […] that links water security, food security and environmental security’ and ‘respond to the problems and benefits caused by the evident links […] between water and ecosystems’ (ibid: xix). This suggests that large dams are not the only solution to water problems.

The third factor is the poor performance of agriculture and industry which large dams were to support for Africa’s socio-economic development. African-owned industries’ contributions to development are modest because their low-level technologies are unable to challenge multinationals’ production of capital intensive goods (Ake, 1981; Lewis, 1992; Grove, 1993).50 Consequently Africa accounts for only 1 percent of manufactured products globally because of its insignificant economic diversification and lack of capacity to produce industrial goods like vehicles, chemicals, machinery and electrical wares (Ake, 1981). This implies that large dams are unable to bring about transformation in the socio-economic development of Africa led to a reduction in the number of large dam construction in Africa.

5.7 Conclusion

Africa’s chequered development still faces huge though surmountable challenges. The policy and situational challenge of its development require a continent-wide potable water supply, food security and

50 _{The diverse forms of early industrialisation in Africa as identified by Grove (1993) involved the processing of}

locally-produced commodities such as cotton, groundnuts, cocoa, coffee, tea, sugar, palm oil, tobacco, timber and fish. Others countries were extracting products such as gold, copper, phosphates and other minerals, followed by the manufacture of heavy constructional materials such as cement and concrete blocks which was linked to the provision of infrastructure through building and road construction. Import substitution industries designed to replace imported foodstuffs, beer, soft drinks, tobacco, textiles and metal utensils, footwear and furniture, coupled with assembly lines for bicycles, tractors, radios, shoes and plastic products were a key part of the industrial plans of African governments. These activities consequently generated another set of sectors involved in the repair and maintenance of this equipment and machinery (ibid, Ake, 1981).

the provision of clean energy to serve as its socio-economic foundation. Africa’s post-colonial attempts to tackle these challenges by marshalling state machinery and resources through different strategies in national, regional and international programmes have had varying degrees of success in different epochs, but not throughout the continent.

Large dams are among the strategies adopted to meet the energy, food and drinking water requirements of the people and to provide a firm base for economic and industrial development. Although they have played a huge role in Africa’s development, their construction and performance over the years have been mixed and subject to power play by competing interests and actors at local, national, regional and international levels, especially in the geo-political and financial world. As a result, the dream of industrialisation and food self-sufficiency has eluded Africa, leaving it at the margins and under the control of the global economy.

The next chapter examines the impacts of a whole gamut of global issues – geopolitical, financial, social and environmental movements, environmental and development politics and proposed large dam alternatives in the current debate about large dams and Africa’s socio-economic development.

CHAPTER 6