The changes in demand and use of urban green space

As revealed in Chapter 4 and Chapter 5, the meaning of green space in cities has undergone a remarkable transformation in 20th century China, one that is on-going. In general, less than a century ago, green areas in China were enclosed, privileged, nature-miniatures based on the thousand-year-old private gardens tradition. After 1949, they were radically transformed according to Soviet and Maoist thinking about the roles of green space in the economic growth and revolutionary ideals of new socialist urban life. During the 1980s and 1990s, yet another crucial transformation starting from economic reforms in areas such as property development, old city redevelopment and overseas investment, led to the transformation of urban roles as well as green space functions at every level. Green space was expected to facilitate in adjusting urban economic sectors, urban spatial structure and improving city images internationally, meeting the local growing demand for recreation, leisure, quality of life, public health and the like. Today, on-going worldwide concerns about urban

environments and efforts undertaken to bring environmental problems under control, have resulted in the emergence of more comprehensive and integrated functions for regional resource management. This kind of (societal) demand - supply (of green space) differs from economics or rational planning frameworks which are based on quantitative demand – supply (of products). But it is based on what society demands (as opposed to a monetary influence or an absolute quantitative standpoint), which can be a series of evolving and changing perspectives on green space.

6.2.1.1

The changes in “socio-cultural values” and political-cultural

characters of developing Chinese urban green space

The understanding of “socio-cultural values” attached to urban green space (also refer to Chapter 2, Section 2.2.4.2), has been substantively impacted by the processes of re-setting Beijing‟s roles as well as the wider Chinese political and cultural philosophies.

Since 1912, as Chapter 4 has illustrated, the role of enlightening and civilising the masses by public parks has been dominant in Chinese society. After China started to use “urban green space” as a generic term for the tasks of urban planning and greening, these socio-political values continued within a new framework of socialist and communist ideology. During the Soviet and Maoist Era (1949-1978), the primary function for urban green space was to promote social equity and solidarity, and strengthen the political education about communist revolutionary spirit among the proletariat. Furthermore, Chairman Mao often used greening activities as a form of political campaigning to

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promote mass enthusiasm for building an attractive and uplifting ideal communist country. As noted in Chapter 4 and Chapter 5, even during the unstable and chaotic period, urban green space itself was a place to demonstrate the government‟s resentment and rejection of old feudalism and new bourgeois hedonism by changing it from “wasteful” uses to other types of productive and revolutionary land use, or demolishing it completely as an ultimate rejection.

Today, this continuing socio-political function is reincarnated with a new meaning. By provision of attractive green space to enhance the city image, it is perhaps one of the most “visible” ways for government officials to demonstrate their achievements to urban economic growth and increased wealth status during their tenure (Liu, 2008).

It seems that regardless of Soviet or Chairman Mao‟s socialist/communist ideology, or today‟s bureaucratic eagerness for a positive city image and concerns about urban sustainability, green space in China has been politicised and continues to carry the government‟s political purposes. This evinces the realities of political rhetoric on the ground. Yet such demonstration in China is distinguished from that in the western world, which attempts to show a democratic and multicultural society through providing open/green space (refer to Chapter 2, Section 2.2.4). In addition, the political intention manifested in China is strongly purposeful. Such differences in appearance and intensity between the West and China are ultimately expressions of China‟s age-old political and cultural systems. It can be argued that the reflection of political ideology was one of the most outstanding functions ingrained in Chinese urban green space development.

The evolution of socio-cultural values, on the one hand, was caused by the government‟s changing political ideologies and ruling philosophies, and on the other hand, paralleled the changes in perception and treatment of traditional values. The importance of green space in preserving historic landscapes and creating local cultural identity has become increasingly recognised in China over recent decades, partly to repair past wrongdoings of rejection towards traditional values at the beginning of the revolutionary era. Today, almost all relevant planning discourses suggest making every effort to connect with historic preservation, to restore old gardens or even the remains of historic relics, and the construction of new classical-style gardens. Such a noticeable “U-turn” attitude to traditions was reflected through the medium of green space. This indicated that the other distinctive function of Chinese green space is to carry a continual thread of culturally ingrained rules, norms and conventions.

An increasing number of studies have also firmly supported that the Chinese traditional approach could still serve effectively as inspiration for modern/contemporary design (Wu, 1999; Yang and Volkmann, 2010). Assimilating Chinese traditional values into contemporary urban green space construction, and further making creative use of traditional elements, has become a strong trend recently. This can embrace many dimensions in practice. Based on Beijing‟s experience, it may range widely from large scale - such as the re-application or modern interpretation of Feng-shui and Shan-

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shui-city model to organise the overall green space structure; through to small scale - such as the restoration of the remains of ruined city walls and heritage sites. Even intangible philosophical concepts, such as “men and nature in harmony” and “non-action to nature”, can be re-appreciated or reinterpreted in a modern form. The incorporation of traditional values and interests into green space development promotes a view of urban environment that is not predominantly instrumental but comprehensive, and to some degree, assigns intrinsic values to the environment in urban areas.

6.2.1.2 Other changes and the emerging trends

In “economic benefits” - shift from tangible to intangible benefits

Tangible economic benefits, such as producing real products (i.e. timber, fuel wood, fruit, etc.), were once emphasised to a somewhat uncontrolled degree during the 1950s. Today such discourses are only limited to the topic about plant nursery construction. In the new national standard of urban green space classification, only the category Nursery has been required to provide tangible economic benefits (refer to Chapter 2 Section 2.2.3, Table 2-2). The view has shifted to an emphasis on intangible or indirect economic benefits of green space development, that is, green space is acknowledged to be a significant contributor to a more dynamic, competitive and sustainable city.

In “ecological functions” - shift from reactive to proactive approaches

Concerns over ecological functions go back to the very beginning of Beijing‟s development during the 1950s. Early concerns, however, were more inspired by a fear of Beijing‟s harsh environmental conditions, such as sand storms or the dry climate, rather than by ecological considerations. The real intention of developing urban green space was for industrial development where green space was merely seen to be an attachment or add-on land to serve other land uses. During the 1980s and 1990s Beijing confronted severe air pollution - an immediate consequence of heavy and noxious industrial development. Consequently, the desired function of green space was shifted specifically to reducing urban (air) pollution. Green space was conceived as a means of overcoming the aggravation of urban environmental problems. The use of green space in Beijing typically concentrates on mitigating the situation and effects instead of on the source or reasons for these effects. The result, without much doubt, is planning strategies that are passive, reactive and piecemeal.

Although the first nature reserves and scenic spots were formally established in the 1980s, this

progress was not so much due to nature conservation per se as to long-standing traditions in China that ancestral mountains and certain other sacred landscape features should be protected. Such demand for green space might be seen as an early recognition of ecological values; however, they were more inspired by human interest than by a concern over the ecosystem for its intrinsic value.

As a consequence of the growing complexity of urban and environmental issues, as well as the accompanying interest in sustainable development, a great deal of effort is now spent on nature conservation by the government. Urban green space is recognised as a source of nature for its own

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sake, and as an integrated self-sustaining ecosystem in urban areas. Such value change has stimulated the formulation of planning strategies, which have shifted to take proactive stances, rather than passively remedying, urban and environmental problems.

In “structural functions” - shift from limiting urban sprawl to configuring regional structures

Only in recent years, has the idea of using green space to define urban structure become a focal point in urban planning worldwide as well as in China. In the Chinese context, this function was practised earlier by the Soviets through their planning of the greenbelt and green wedges during the 1950s. The Chinese planners did not take the initiative to practise and advocate such a structural function in urban planning until the 1990s. This was when metropolitan growth resulted in the city greatly expanding into the countryside, and there became a stronger demand for shifting Beijing‟s spatial structure from a monocentric to a polycentric form. Subsequently, this function has gone beyond “limiting urban sprawl” and is expected to configure regional physical morphology and guide future development.

6.2.1.3 Summary

Through the changing views of urban green space in the Chinese context, a noticeable pattern of how green space has been conceived can be seen. This can be categorised into three aspects - retreating from reflecting political ideology and turning to pragmatism; valuing nature more for its own sake; establishing green space as a necessary and primary land use rather than serving as a standby for other uses in urban development. These value shifts together enhance the position of green space in urban planning, which has been indicated in Chapter 2, green space as a positive and functional land use that should be designated and planned for, and coordinated with other development in the use and

management of land resources.