Changes to Wh ā nau Forms and Functions:

Colonisation has several detrimental aspects for Māori whānau. One of these aspects is urbanisation which caused deterioration to the foundations of the Māori whānau and other social structures. Māori society existed on the foundations of whānau, hapū

and iwi, and as previously discussed; whānau were intertwined through whakapapa to their environment, including the mountains, rivers, bush land and through spiritual connection to Papatuanuku. The move for Māori away from their papakainga (whānau lands) would disengage many Māori from their traditions, culture and identity (Durie, 2001). Urbanisation of Māori is identified as one of the primary reasons for Māori living in poverty (Mikaere, 2003). The destabilisation of whānau structures, and dis- empowerment of Māori men, women and children along with the disengagement of Māori from their own resources, knowledge and spiritual expressions, left Māori communities in a state of disarray (Mikaere, 2003).

In the decade prior to the Second World War, Walker (1990) states 90% of Māori lived in rural areas, but by 1996 around 80% of Māori were living in urban areas (Nikora, Guerin & Rua, cited in Ruwhiu, 2009). Walker (1990) identifies three reasons for the

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migration of Māori to the cities being employment, money, and pleasure. The Second World War was the catalyst for Māori to abandon rural poverty and seek employment in urban areas. Walker (1990) points to the Man Power Act, 1944, which required Māori not eligible to go into the military to be directed to work in essential industries, and Māori women were put to work in factories. Walker (1990) states further:

In 1960 the Department of Māori Affairs assisted the process further with the urban relocation program; 884 Māori families relocated to the cities either with encouragement of the Department of Māori affairs or of their own accord. (p. 197)

The impact of colonisation has resulted in some long term consequences. For example, continued over-representation of Māori in negative indices for welfare, crime, education and health is evident in the 1998 report called Closing the Gaps (Mikaere, 2011). Urbanisation has fragmented whānau structures, leaving whānau isolated from their wider whānau supports and the notion of communal living. Children are often raised by their parents alone or raised in a sole parent arrangement. Today we are also seeing many mokopuna being raised by their grandparents, which reflects the traditional role of grandparent and mokopuna connections in Māori traditional society, however, grandparents today often do not have the support described in traditional times, many relying on their pension to provide for themselves and mokopuna (Te Momo, 2012). Parents in these families are required to work, either through government policy or as a matter of survival. This has contributed to the devaluation of the traditional role of whānau and further diminished the role of te whare tangata. Walker (as cited in Lawson-Te Aho, 2010) wrote that:

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Whakapapa whānau have gone through massive upheaval and change through the impact of colonisation and urbanisation, the net effect of which has been to break down Māori cultural value and knowledge system and denigrate Māori cultural practices including those of whānau. (p. 30)

The structure of whānau in today’s society have transformed from traditional times. What is most obvious is the change in support structures available to parents and caregivers raising children today. Whānau have shifted from being interdependent within their whānau and hapū to being government-dependant and raising children alone.

By the same token, however, whānau have re-created new concepts of whānau in the urban areas in which they live. Māori reintegrated an adapted form of whānau in forming new purposeful relationships. In recent times the concept of whānau has grown to include ‘kaupapa whānau’, which is a collective of people connected by a common interest, for example kapa haka, sports teams and other interest groups (Lawson-Te Aho, 2010). Kaupapa whānau groups have provided a space and focus for Māori cultural revival. Te Momo (2012) extends these concepts of whānau to include “orthodox churches, protest religions e.g.; Ringatū and Ratana, tribal organisations, Māori wardens, Māori councils, Māori Women’s Welfare League” (p. 16).

Te Momo (2012) highlights the changing concept of whānau and how it has evolved over the last two centuries from kinship ties and genealogy to a hybrid of social, political and economic developments that sustains its ability to survive. Although the concept of whānau has evolved, there continues to be limited understanding of the role of te whare tangata and how this role can exist in contemporary times. Mikaere

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(2011) advocates “Māori women in our struggle to be restored to our rightful position in our communities and in Aotearoa generally; should turn first to the principles laid down in Māori lore” (p. 199).