There are a number of betrothals and proposals for marriage made to and by the royal house of England in the period 1154-1272 for which we have no information regarding dower or dowry. In some cases, this is because negotiations did not reach a state in which dower or dowry would be discussed. In other cases, it is because the negotiations or marriage agreements do not survive for us to analyse, or there was no recorded information about them.1 We have do have detailed marriage documents for some of the later arrangements, and several of the earlier ones. In some cases, it is only possible to discern dower and dowry from later documents that refer back to them. What shall be attempted in this chapter, therefore, is a chronological discussion of the dowries and dowers assigned in the marriage negotiations, skipping over those negotiations or marriages in which we do not have enough detail. Also discussed, separately, will be the occasions on which the bride was an heiress, bringing her inheritance with her.
First it is necessary to define dowry and dower. Dowry, or maritagium,was the land given to the husband—or his family—by the wife‘s family. This land was only guaranteed to remain with the husband should the marriage produce children.2 There was another way the husband gained lands from his wife‘s family, and this of course was to marry an heiress. Dower, on the other hand, was the land assigned to the bride by her husband at marriage, intended to support the bride should her husband pre- decease her. The land did not pass on to her children, but returned to her husband‘s family upon her own death. Dower was the gift made by the husband to the wife at the
1 These include Richard‘s betrothal to the daughter of the count of Barcelona in 1159, Eleanor‘s betrothal to the son of Frederick I in 1164, Matilda‘s marriage to the duke of Saxony in 1168, John‘s proposal to wed the daughter of the King of Portugal in 1200, Richard of Cornwall‘s proposed marriage to the daughter of the King of León in 1225, Henry III‘s betrothal to Yolande of Brittany in 1226, Richard of Cornwall‘s marriage to Isabel Marshal in 1231, Henry III‘s betrothal to Jeanne de Ponthieu in 1235, Edmund‘s proposed marriages to the Queen of Cyprus and the daughter of Manfred of Sicily in 1256, Beatrice‘s proposed marriage to Hughes II of Cyprus in 1256, her marriage to John of Brittany in 1260, and finally, Richard of Cornwall‘s marriage to Beatrix von Falkenburg in 1269.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: before the Time of
church door, and was meant to be valued at no more than one-third of the husband‘s lands, but could be any amount up to that, and was ‗a matter of bargain.‘3 In royal marriage, it was not unusual for there to be a traditional dower assigned to the queen, for example in England and Sicily, as will be seen below.
In the case of Henry the Young King and his bride Margaret of France, the original marriage agreement of 1158 does not remain. However, the details of the agreement are discussed by chroniclers, as are the extraordinary circumstances around them, while the second peace agreement of 1160 does also survive. The two children were betrothed at the very young ages—even by royal standards—of three years for the groom and roughly one year for the bride. On their betrothal, the dowry of three primary castles of the Norman Vexin, ‗namely Gisors, Neufles and Châteauneuf, situated on the river Epte on the border of Normandy and France,‘4 were handed over by the bride‘s father, Louis VII of France, to the Knights Templar, for safe-keeping, ‗until the day the nuptials were brought about.‘5 This is the only example of such an agreement, wherein a third party is used to hold lands, though in the later agreement between John and Hugh de Lusignan in 1214, Hugh was given certain lands to be held until the ones they both desired were available.6 Doubtless in 1158, Louis expected the wedding day to be well in the future, when the children were of age. But, two years after the betrothal, in 1160, Louis married Adela de Blois-Champagne, the sister of his chief advisor, and in what Torigni indicates was a reaction to this marriage, Henry II swiftly married the two children and was granted control of the castles.7 Howden comments in a rather shocked manner on the extreme youth of the children, remarking that they were, ‗both still children crying in their cradles,‘8 and one can only imagine what might have been Louis VII‘s reaction. However, the agreement had been made, the castles handed over, and there was nothing he could do to object. Remnants of his
3
Ibid., p. 425. 4
Torigni, p. 208. See also, Recueil des Actes de Henri II, Vol. II, ed. Leopold DeLisle (Paris, 1920), pp. 251-53. This latter copy of the document does not outline anything different from what Torigni and Diceto say about the agreement, so has not been quoted.
5 Diceto, I, p. 304.
6 See below discussion of Joan and Hugh de Lusignan. 7 Torigni, p. 208.
frustration are evident in 1170, when the Young King was crowned without his wife, and Louis VII angrily asserted that they must be crowned again, together, a demand that was met.9 The importance of the Vexin to Henry is perhaps shown most clearly in the fact that the only dowry he received for his son and heir, the future king of England, was this relatively small sliver of land and three castles.10
The transfer of castles and the Norman Vexin into English hands would prove a point of contention between the Plantagenet and Capetian kings for the next thirty years, especially after the death without heir of the Young King in 1183. Naturally, the king of France, now Philip Augustus, demanded the return of the Vexin and his castles, and perhaps equally as naturally, Henry II had no intention of agreeing. By this time, though, the situation had been further complicated by the 1160s betrothal of Margaret‘s younger sister Alys, to Richard of Poitou.11 Though chroniclers do not discuss the dowry agreement for this second betrothal at this point in their accounts, it is eventually mentioned by Howden during the 1176 disagreement between Henry II and Louis. Howden records a papal envoy arriving in France at this time to force an accord between the two kings, who had been arguing for years regarding Henry‘s refusal to allow the marriage between Alys and Richard to take place, though they were both of age—Alys was roughly seventeen at the time, Richard two years older. Howden‘s account is as follows:
At Ivry...in the presence of the said cardinal and magnates of both kingdoms, the king of England the father gave to them his word, and made a vow on his life that his son Richard, count of Poitou, would take as wife Alys, if the king of France, father of the girl, gave to Richard count of Poitou the city of Bourges with its appurtenances, as dowry with his daughter, just as was agreed between them. And to King Henry his son all the French Vexin...which he had promised
9 Howden, Chronica, II, p. 5.
10 Compare this to, for example, the inheritances gained for Geoffrey and Richard in their marriages. For more discussion on the importance of the Vexin, see ‗Success in Marriage‘, pp. 174-5.
as the dowry in his marriage to his daughter. But the King of France would not do this.12
The city of Bourges and its lands in the county of Berry were, much like the Vexin in relation to Normandy, an area of dispute between the king of France and the duke of Aquitaine, for while royal power in the region grew stronger during Louis VII‘s reign, Henry II as duke of Aquitaine held no demesne lands there, only having influence through his vassals. Warren points out that therefore Henry‘s claims on Berry had little justification, and indeed perhaps Henry was just using the situation as an excuse to embarrass Louis, who would never have considered giving up Berry.13 The county was Louis‘s strongest area of influence in the region, and he may have hoped to use it as a way to get into Aquitaine.14 What this incident points to is the fact that, in 1169 when the betrothal was certainly confirmed, Alys appears not to have had any dowry named for her. This theory is encouraged by the fact that years later, after the death of the Young King, when the king of France demanded the return of Margaret‘s dowry, the idea arose to transfer Margaret‘s dowry to Alys. Howden records that, at the talks during Christmas 1185 ‗the king of France granted Gisors to Richard with the before- said sister, and all that Louis his father had given with Margaret his daughter to Henry son of the king of England.‘15 Nowhere in these negotiations, or in the many that followed in the subsequent years, is there any mention of a dowry for Alys beyond the Norman Vexin.
The Crusade brought an interesting proposed marriage, that of Joanna and Saladin‘s brother Al-Adil, the Muslim leader who met many times with Richard during
12 Howden, Chronica, II, p. 143: ‗Apud Yveri...coram praedicto cardinali et magnatibus utriusque regni, rex Angliae pater per suos fidem dedit, et in animam suam jurare fecit, quod Ricardus filius ejus, comes Pictaviae, praedictam Alais in uxorem duceret, si rex Franciae, pater puellae, dederit praefato Ricardo comiti Pictaviae civitatem Bituricensem, cum pertinentiis suis, in maritagium cum filia sua, sicut conventio inter illos inde facta exigit; et Henrico regi filio suo totum Vougesin Francigenum...quam ipse promiserat se daturum illi in maritagium cum filia sua. Sed quia rex Franciae haec dare noluit.‘ 13 Warren, Henry II, pp. 145.
14 Powicke, Loss, p. 12.
15 Howden, Chronica, II, 308: ‗Et rex Franciae concessit praefato Ricardo cum praedicta sorore sua Gisortium, et omnia quae Lodowicus pater suus concesserat cum Margareta filia sua Henrico regi Angliae filio.‘
his years in the Holy Land. During one of these negotiations, Richard suggested the match, and as a dowry for his sister, he appointed the coastal cities held by the Christian armies. In exchange, Joanna and Al-Adil would rule over Jerusalem as king and queen, forming a joint Christian-Muslim kingdom.16 There is evidence in Muslim chronicles that this offer was never taken seriously by Saladin or his brother, whereas Richard had no intention of going through with the match, and indeed arguably required papal permission to marry his sister, a dowager queen, to anyone.17 It is therefore difficult to discuss this dowry in consideration with the rest, and indeed this entire proposal is quite unlike any other royal marriage negotiation.
During Richard‘s captivity in Germany, in 1192, Howden records John making a possible alliance with Philip Augustus, part of which included marriage to Richard‘s former betrothed, Alys. There may be something to be said for the idea that Philip made the suggestion at least partially in a desperate attempt to get Alys back; though she had been repudiated in March 1191, she was still in Norman custody, and an attempt made by Philip in January 1192 to take her back had been rebuffed by the seneschal of Normandy.18 John‘s potential treaty is recorded as follows:
John, brother of the king, set out to the King of France, and did homage to him for Normandy and other lands of his brother‘s across the sea, and for England. And he swore that he would take [Philip‘s] sister Alys as wife. And John promised to the King of France Gisors, in perpetuity, and all of the Norman Vexin. And the king of France granted to him, with his sister, that part of Flanders which was granted to him.19
Through this agreement, John was promising to surrender the lands his brother and father had been fighting to keep since 1158, as well as confirming Philip as his overlord.
16
Gillingham, Richard I, p. 184 and Livres, p. 46. 17
For more discussion, see ‗Ending of Betrothals‘, pp. 122-3. For Muslim evidence of scepticism, see Baha al-Din, p. 188.
18
Howden, Gesta, II, p. 236.
19 Howden, Chronica, III, p. 204: ‗Deinde Johannes frater regis profectus est ad regem Franciae, et homo suus devenit de Normannia et caeteris terries fratris sui transmarinis, et de Anglia, ut dicebatur; et juravit quod ipse Alesiam sororem illius in uxorem duceret; et ipse quietam clamavit regi Franciae in perpetuum Gysorcium, et totum Velgesin le Normand: et rex Franciae concessit ei, cum praedicta sorora sua, illam partem Flandriae quae eum contingebat.‘
In return, all he would receive as dowry was a portion of Flanders, but also, Philip‘s support in his play for the throne of England. But before any such plot could be enacted, his mother Queen Eleanor, prevented John from leaving England to join Philip, and the alliance dissolved.
There was only one marriage arranged during Richard‘s reign other than his own, that of his sister, Joanna, who was the only unmarried or un-betrothed member of his family when the marriage was arranged in 1196. At the time, the war between the Angevin dukes of Aquitaine and the counts of Toulouse had been going on intermittently for forty years, over the former‘s claim to the latter county.20
Most chronicles mention the marriage only in passing, but the 19th-century Histoire Générale de Languedoc discusses the terms of agreement in detail, and most modern historians seem to agree with the author.21 Firstly, Richard was to give up any claims he might make on Toulouse in his capacity as count of Poitou. Secondly, the land of Querci, which had been invaded by Richard in 1188 and held by him since then, would be returned to Raymond. And finally, Raymond would marry Joanna, with the Agenais as her dowry.22 The agreement certainly favoured Raymond generously, and Gillingham points out that it was almost certainly designed to ensure the count‘s loyalty.23 That said, it was not without benefit for Richard or the English crown, for all the land granted to Raymond on this occasion was to be held of the king, as duke of Aquitaine.24 The treaty confirmed Raymond and all of the children born of the marriage to Joanna as vassals of Aquitaine, and most importantly ended the long and costly war, leaving Richard free to focus on the battles raging against Philip Augustus in the north. Years later, after Joanna‘s death, Raymond‘s loyalty and the land he was granted were re- confirmed,
20
For more discussion on the war, see ‗Case Studies‘, p. 31. 21
For example Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 306-7. 22
Cl. Devic and J. Vaissete, Histoire Général de Languedoc, p. 174. Vaisette is using as his source the seventeenth-century Histoire des Comtes de Tolose, which is an amalgamation of chronicles, including William of Puylaurens. See M. Guillaume Catel, Histoire des Comtes de Tolose (Toulouse, 1623), p. 223.
23 Gillingham, Richard I, p. 307.
Raymond, count of Saint-Gilles, did homage to John, king of England, for the lands and castles which Richard, king of England, had given him as marriage portion with his sister, Joanna, upon the understanding that when Raymond, his son, who he had by his wife Joanna, should come of age, he should have all the lands before-mentioned.25
This advantageous marriage was the last made by Richard or any of the royal house for four years.
In 1209, King John arranged a marriage for his eldest son and heir, Henry, to the daughter of King William the Lion of Scotland. Although frustratingly the Treaty of Norham in which the terms of this agreement were detailed does not survive, it is known through later documents what the terms included. With the marriage agreement, William abandoned his claims to Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmorland, while promising to pay 15,000 marks to John, it would appear in lieu of a dowry. Along with this marriage, John promised to find husbands for William‘s other daughters.26 Though Henry III never married a Scottish princess, nor did John fulfil his promise to find suitable husbands, Margaret was eventually wed to Hubert de Burgh, in 1221. Aside from the portion of the 15,000 marks already paid by this time, Margaret‘s main dowry appears to have been prestige, bringing de Burgh into the royal family circle, and giving him the status to be granted an earldom.
The next royal betrothal to be arranged came in 1214, when King John betrothed his daughter, Joan, to Hugh de Lusignan, the son of the man to whom her mother had been betrothed in 1200. The record of their agreement, dated only 1214, lists the terms and dowry John assigned to his daughter:
[Joan] is given into the custody of the count of la Marche and Hugh de Lusignan, his son. And the same lord king gives likewise to Hugh Poitevin land worth £2,000 per year, assigned to him in Poitou, Anjou and Touraine, as dowry with his said daughter. Also until such time as the said £2,000 of land may be granted to him, the same Hugh shall have the fortress of Saintes, with its appurtenances, and Oléron, with its appurtenances; excepting the barons and
25 Howden, Chronica, IV, p. 124: ‗Raimundus comes de Sancto Egidio devenit homo Johannis regis Angliae, de terris et castellis quae Ricardus rex Angliae dederat ei in maritagium cum Johanna sorore sua; ita quod cum Raimundus filius ejus, quem genuit de Johanna uxore sua, pervenerit ad annos discretionis, omnia supradicta habeat.‘
their homage, and all that pertains to the barons. And, when the lord King has searched for land in the said places, and has assigned them as the said dowry, so will be returned to the king the land of Saintes and Oléron.27