Cluster Two: Perceptions of Hajjis’ Relations and Behaviour with Others

This cluster comprises themes that relate to how Hajj management staff perceives the behaviour of Hajjis, including relationships between individuals and groups within the crowd.

It includes their thoughts on prosocial and antisocial behaviour, similarities and differences within the crowd, and suggestions for why conflict and danger can occur during Hajj rituals.

5.3.3.2.1 Inappropriate behaviour is linked to not achieving goals and needs

Basic goals and needs vary for pilgrims on the Hajj. As an example, Iranian Hajjis require open-top buses to transport them during the pilgrimage as they feel that this brings them closer to God, therefore such buses are provided. It was pointed out that behaviour that is detrimental to crowd safety and enjoyment often comes about from crowd members not having their basic needs met:

We must meet the basic needs of the pilgrim to avoid the consequences for

inappropriate behaviour as the problems within the crowd grow significantly. (2- Middle management)

These ‘basic needs’ are defined by a board member of the Establishment of the Mutawaf of Turkish, American and European pilgrims, and Head of the Department of Quality Assurance as:

Different kinds of food, adequate accommodation, accuracy in time planning,

transportation, services in the streets, way finding points, lost and found centres, and mostly to be treated as human because they feel upset when they are treated in an aggressive way. Failure to provide such services might lead to aggression and competition between crowd members as they strive to achieve their goals. (7- Top management)

5.3.3.2.2 Willingness to help

The role of the Hajj management is to assist pilgrims in performing their rituals during Hajj therefore it is unsurprising that those interviewed expressed their desire to provide help:

Yes, in all previous [crowd accidents], some pilgrims act to pick people up from the fallen on the ground or the protection of children up to carry the elderly and

vulnerable people. (6- Middle management)

5.3.3.2.3 Expectation of self-regulation of the crowd

As a religious crowd, it is expected that religious and spiritual beliefs would have some influence on the behaviour of members of the crowd:

According to Islamic teaching, I expected the behaviour to be self-regulated at all times and in all conditions. (9- Top management)

5.3.3.2.4 Hajjis are polite and peaceful

Several participants praised the behaviour of the crowd, and one response was effusive in its praise, reporting that Hajjis were:

Peaceful, religious, sensitive, polite, cooperative, friendly, and curious. (3- Expert consultants)

5.3.3.2.5 Perception of unity and equality within the Hajj crowd

We saw in Chapter 4 and earlier in this chapter that Hajjis reported feeling a sense of unity and equality with other members of the crowd. This was echoed by Hajj management staff,

who noted that these feelings are engendered by Hajjis wearing the same attire (Ihram robes – See chapter 2) performing the same rituals:

They wore the same clothes for the simple expression that there is no difference between rich and poor, they perform the same ritual in the same place and time and pray for the unity. (1- Top management)

5.3.3.2.6 Males defending females

There were reports from participants that they witnessed men defending women at times of danger or hostility. An interviewee gave an example of this:

In high-density areas and harsh environments, [there can be] some unfriendly actions [and I saw] men defending their females in their group. (3- Expert consultants) Perhaps notably, this behaviour was observed within pre-existing groups within the crowd.

5.3.3.2.7 Erroneous beliefs and practices and misconduct

As we saw in Chapter 2, the ‘stoning of the devil’ ritual at Al-Jamarat Bridge has been the setting of several major incidents and disasters, before the redesign of the bridge in 2006.

Several members of Hajj management reported that one possible cause of problems within the crowd are fervent, mistaken beliefs about the significance of the ritual:

Some people die because of misconceptions, they think that the devil is there, they fight you to go there even if they know that they will have problems, maybe they will be injured because they think that if they throw these stones, the devil will die. (7- Top management)

5.3.3.2.8 Disruptive activities in groups

An added danger is that some crowd members believe that if they die during Hajj, they go straight to paradise, which may lead to recklessness among crowd members, or, according to one member of management, a wish to die:

This makes the Hajj very difficult because of their wish – yes, that’s right, they wish to die in Makkah – so that’s why they don’t mind to fight sometimes when they go to throw the stone or in circling during Tawaf or entering a dense crowd. (7- Top management)

5.3.3.2.9 Relations between Hajjis and their organizers

Hajjis were viewed by management as generally cooperative with organizers:

Pilgrims are cooperative with their Hajj organizers. (9- Top management)

5.3.3.2.10 Hajjis stay in their groups

There was a sense among interviewees that, during Hajj, pilgrims tend to remain within their previously existing groups, with one member of staff stating simply that:

They stick to their group. (3- Expert consultants)

5.3.3.2.11 Cultural differences among Hajjis

Despite feelings of unity and equality among crowd members, there also remain some differences between the various cultures represented within the crowd:

Some cultures are used to being very polite. In other cultures, rough talk and behaviour are not uncommon. (1- Top management)

Because the participants were in many cases civil servants (i.e. they held positions in the Saudi Arabian government), they were reluctant to criticize specific nationalities or groups.

They were however, keen to name certain countries in a positive light, as when a participant stated:

Some governments cooperate in a positive way, such as Malaysia, Indonesia and others. They underwent a pilgrimage intended to prepare their representatives for the Hajj, with spatial training through simulation of sacred sites, learning about best practices and what they should avoid for their own safety and the safety of other pilgrims. (7- Top management)

5.3.3.2.12 Cooperating (helping) in the crowd

Interviewees reported that they had observed helping behaviour within the crowd:

[I saw] cooperation and people helping each other. (5- Expert consultants)

5.3.3.3: Cluster Three: Perceptions of Physical Aspects of the Crowd

This cluster describes the way in which the Hajj management perceived the crowd as a physical entity, and includes descriptions of high density within the crowd and phenomena caused by high density that relates to the way in which the crowd moves.

5.3.3.3.1 Crowd density

The management staff that were interviewed described seeing:

Incidents of high density of people in crowded areas. (3- Expert consultants)

5.3.3.3.2 Crowd wave motion

One effect of high density, coupled with efforts by individuals or groups to reach their goal, is of the ‘human wave’ phenomenon. An interviewee described witnessing such an event as follows:

In one incident, I managed to stand behind a column until the human wave had passed, then I moved to see the source of the incident. (3- Expert consultants)

This statement implies that, when certain incidents occur, it might be impossible for Hajj management to act until the risk to their own safety has passed. This could affect their ability to do their job effectively.