Commoditisation and religion

As already observed, the term ‘commoditisation’ can be understood and applied in different ways. For example, for Dumlupinar (2010: 101), commoditisation refers to a situation where a business’s goods and services are very similar in character and price to its competitors’ goods and services, whereas Appadurai (1986: 6) argues that commoditisation is simply the process in which goods and actions come to be

assessed initially in relation to their exchange value and, thus become commodities.

In addition, commoditisation may also be considered from a sociological perspective (Kopytoff, 1986); from this view, commoditisation is a process where products become more exchangeable in a system characterised by the presence of other products that are seemingly different. These products or commodities have ‘use value and exchange value’ (Kopytoff, 1986: 64).

Within the particular context of religion, Bremer (2006) points to four concerns that, he argues, are shared by both tourists and religious adherents, the first three emphasising the significance of the fourth, commoditisation, which is of course the specific focus of this study. First, Bremer (2006: 3) observes that both tourists and religious adherents

‘demonstrate a concern for space and maintain a deep attachment to special places’.

That is, certain touristic and religious places hold significant meanings for tourists / religious adherents. Second, there is an articulation of identities; ‘in fact, the making of the place always involves the making of identities, and, conversely, the construction of the identities always involved the construction of place’ (Bremer, 2006: 4-5). A third feature is a pervasive concern with aesthetics: ‘Tourism involves a thoroughgoing aestheticisation of the world. Tourists everywhere regard much of what they encounter in terms of beautiful, the uplifting, and the edifying (Bremer, 2001: 5). Indeed, according to Bremer, one of the tourist’s prime worries is concerned with authenticity as an

aesthetic quality; he notes that ‘[t]he touristic concern for authenticity also frames travellers’ experiences of religion’ (Bremer, 2006: 6). And fourth, Bremer introduces the

54

issue of ‘commoditisation’; ‘all things, all places, all experiences, become potential commodities in the tourist economy [and] religion is no exception’ (Bremer, 2006: 6).

However, it remains unclear what these mutually shared concerns reveal either about religion or tourism per se, or about their specific interrelations with commoditisation in particular. Hence, the purpose of this section is to explore critically the relationship between commoditisation and religion, asking what are the implications for the

meaning or significance of religion and religious rituals, practices and goods once they become commoditised, predominantly under the umbrella of tourism?

Generally speaking, there is nothing unusual about commoditisation within daily tourism engagements; performing tourism is parallel to doing business. As has long been recognised in the literature, encounters or interactions between tourists and

‘hosts’ typically occur within a context of commercial exchange (de Kadt, 1979;

Krippendorf, 1987; Sharpley, 2014), to the extent that Canziani and Francioni (2013:

20) suggest that ‘tourist’ and ‘host’ are better described as ‘customer’ and ‘service provider’. In other words, the way in which tourists/pilgrims pursue their goal is quite similar to the way a businessman pursues theirs; both parties encounter the notion of exchange, which can superficially be referred to as trading. Moreover, both parties operate along the same line of thought, attempting to optimise advantages and minimise risks (Ap, 1992). The notion of commoditisation refers specifically to optimising a deal within the process of exchange. In a purely business context, for example, the tourist/pilgrim engaging in an exchange hopes to achieve the best experience at an acceptable cost; the businessman, conversely, hopes to optimise his profit. Indeed, in this analysis, commoditisation necessarily refers to financial profit, (Santoso, 2010). Tourism actors (tourists/pilgrims) may be willing to sacrifice some advantage (e.g. pay more) in the expectation of a better experience, whilst both tourist/pilgrim and businessman will strive to ensure that the deal they commit is to eventually to their advantage, hence avoiding sense of vulnerability (Ateljevic et al., 2003). In short, commoditisation is, so to speak, is a legitimate action and an analysis of the way tourists/pilgrims engage in this rational process in tourism would reveal numerous examples commoditisation. Nonetheless, it is important to bear several points in mind (Kristen, 1991).

First, commoditisation may not always be apparent, it only being evident in the deployment of rational behaviour or, more precisely, means-end rationality. Second, the object of commoditisation in this regard may not necessarily be physical. It could, for example, be an abstract thing such as collective identity, a primordial relationship or

55

a religious affiliation. Third, commoditisation is not merely derived from the tourist’s rationality in approaching the emerging opportunities or risk but is also structured by the prevailing social institutional arrangements. Explaining it more clearly, action is purposive and rational to the extent that tourists / pilgrims have some degree of understanding of the social context within which the exchange is occurring. For

example, Reisinger and Turner (2003) argue that tourist-host exchanges occur within a liminal ‘tourism culture’ which is not only recognised but conditions expectations and behavior. And fourth, commoditisation is closely associated with the prevailing competitive context. For instance, the need to optimise numbers at a religious event may encourage governments to rally popular support through mobilising primordial sentiment. In this regard, religious sentiment is traded with tourism promotional activities. Thus, it becomes evident that commoditisation means making better use of anything at one’s disposal and, within the context of religious tourism in particular, the increasing penetration of the market into the tourist / pilgrim’s life make

commoditisation difficult to avoid (Santoso, 2010).

It could be argued, therefore, that religion has now become a product and it is no different from other commodities sold in the consumer market (Einstein, 2008: 4); whilst the inherent passion of religious messages is not new, the (business) promotion

religion is (Finke & Lannaccone, 1993; Moore, 1994). Indeed, there is an evidence of a growing and more demanding religious middle class seeking a pilgrimage that is more comfortable, more luxurious. Religion is now an opportunity to be exploited by

numerous industries, businesses and markets around the world, and religious tourism in particular has become an industry deeply influenced by the process of

commoditisation (Lannaccone , 1991; Einstein, 2008; Francesconi, 2009; Haq et al., 2009; Kale, 2004; (Sizer ,1999). The production of souvenirs and luxury amenities as commodities in religious tourism is a good example; these are material commodities that are manufactured, customised, marketed and sold, they are exchange goods with a value in the market. As with other goods, the supply of souvenirs and luxury

amenities is planned through supply chains (Coles, 2004) from their place of fabrication and packaging, through transhipment and supply, to selling by merchants and other sellers, and finally to consumption by tourist/pilgrim (Cai, Leung, & Mak, 2006; Timothy

& Wall, 1997). The supply chain represents the flow of goods from point of production to point of customisation, to consumer-pilgrim/tourist who derives personal benefits from the object and the experiences it represents. Thus, commoditisation and religion are intertwined within the context of religious tourism, as religion and its rituals became a commodity.

56

Adopting a middle ground-position Einstein (2008: 12-14) reflects on the crucial relationship between religion and commoditisation. Specifically, she explores how religion has adopted the logic of commoditisation and has built its moral and spiritual empires based on the principles of the market and the commoditisation model, arguing that the principal religion, such as Judaism, Christianity and Islam, have always

branded themselves as consumption packages to compete within the global religious marketplace. Putting it more simply, different religions compete within global religious market places, seeking competitive advantage through commoditisation; France, Italy, Jerusalem and Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are good examples (Ward, 2006:184).

Along similar lines MacCannell (1995) notes that the holy and profane have not been reciprocally noble, whether from a production or consumption perspective. That is, consumers see religious goods as a bridge to articulate their faith, whilst producers / suppliers perceive goods related to religious practice is a bridge to spread the faith (and a source of income). Yet, although the market is religion and God is a new economy, it is the spiritual that contributes to the consumption process (DeChant, 2002: 28) and, hence, religion and commoditisation have much in common, both manufacturing demands, desires and values (Twitchell, 2004: 65). Consumers trust products that satisfy them, just as they want to believe that religion will. Therefore, when religion is commoditised, it performs like other products. So, it can be argued that religion is both a commodity and a tool of commoditisation and, consequently, religion being used as a strategy for the exchanging of values, both economic and spiritual (Cimino et al., 1998; Haq & Wong, 2010).

The above discussion suggests that religion and commoditisation are comprehensive, wide-ranging and multifaceted historical and religious-cultural phenomena. The term

‘commoditisation’ itself suggests sets of decisive acts designed to transform religious symbols and institutions into marketable and consumable commodities, albeit with the aim of profit and other forms of material gain carefully packaged and subtly placed beneath. Thus, for the purposes of this thesis, religious commoditisation is understood as an emerging multidimensional marketing process which transforms a religious faith or tradition into consumable and marketable possessions. It is an interactive and iterative relationship between religion and market, at the same time involving both the market forces commoditising religion and the religious institutions engaging with the marketplace and consuming culture (Moore, 1994).

The process of commoditisation in religious tourism relies on storytelling, meaning creation, and an inclination of the public to trust in what is logically implausible.

Religions generate connotation via mythologies, rites and performance, whereas

57

commoditisation generates connotation via exchange values, commodities and

spending. Religion is the approval of a trust structure, whereas commoditisation is trust regarding goods. Consumers have faith in religion and also believe in the

commoditisation process to fulfil their religious wants and needs in exchange of values, (Einstein, 2008: 78). Consequently, religion has become a commodity and although commoditisation does not essentially abolish the meaning of religious goods, it may transform it add new significance and meaning (Cohen, 1988).

Once commoditisation transforms or enhances the connotation of religious goods or adds new meanings to existing ones, the process of commodification (as opposed to commoditisation) takes place. Therefore, the next part of this chapter reviews how religion, pilgrims and destinations are affected by it in the context of religious tourism.