Chapter 1: Community?
VII. Conclusion
What I have shown in this chapter, as Davie comments, is that cathedrals ‘deal with diverse and not always compatible constituencies … they are frequented by regular and irregular worshippers, pilgrims, visitors and tourists, bearing in mind that the lines between these groups are frequently blurred’ (Davie 2006:283).The community of Durham Cathedral, is a diverse and complex entity made up of people from many walks of life, from office workers to librarians, and retired miners to university students.
There are several distinctive aspects about using these narratives from the six individuals, such as the fact that they each offer a unique perspective of their own personal relationship with Durham Cathedral. For example, whilst Philip Davies the Chapter Clerk approaches his relationship from a business angle, he is also concerned with creating a sense of community and well-being between the workers of Durham Cathedral. Basing his view of what a good community is on his Christian values. On the other hand, Pat offers the concerns of herself and others on the ‘commercialisation’ of the Cathedral. However, as Philip Davies’ comments point to, cathedrals must make money in order to continue operating. Similarly, as Kennedy J. points out, ‘Cathedrals are working in an increasingly competitive ‘market’ and compete with many other “heritage” attractions’ (2006:116).
As the issue of whether to charge an entrance fee so prominently emphasised, Durham Cathedral itself was caught in this competitive ‘market’, with its need to sustain its maintenance and running costs. According to Gudeman (2010) ‘markets are never autonomous but always draw on mutuality or social relationships for their construction, even if they also deny and debase that foundation’. In this sense, the Cathedral draws upon its different sources of community and their values (such as the Benedictine value of hospitality) to decide how to raise money. I believe, however, that the issue of the entrance fee draws upon another process as well. Gudeman continues to analyse the relationship between markets and their communities, and argues that, ‘Market expansion can also lead to debasement of community in the sense that the common interests that link people are not only fractured but also transformed to calculated self-interest’. In this view, the opposition to charge an entrance fee can be seen as a way of trying to keep the community together, by literally keeping the doors open, trying to circumvent market processes and the ‘increasing commoditization of life’ (2010:5). It is probable that the large amount of volunteering work achieves a similar effect.
While the economical processes of the Cathedral could warrant a whole dissertation in itself, this is not the purpose of this work. It is necessary, however, to
emphasise another point that is visible through the entrance fee charges, and the interviews presented in this chapter that form a basis to a number of the following chapters. It is apparent from the above narratives that the Cathedral Chapter, led by the Dean and Chapter Clerk, were actively pursuing a spirit of generosity and hospitality in opening up to the Cathedral to a wide public, as well as trying to involve those interested in participating in the Cathedral’s day to day life. As Pat described, ‘This community exists as long as it is allowed to, as long as it is given space to exist’. Making space for the various groups of people will be one of the main aspects of this dissertation. Similarly, this kind of space-making negotiated between the particular groups of visitors, volunteers, employees, the congregation and indeed the Cathedral itself, was aided through the kinds of values and aims the Cathedral decision makers had, such as the Benedictine leanings of the members of the Cathedral Chapter helping to shape the vision and future of the building. Although this won’t be an emphasis in later chapters, it will always loom in the background.
The individual narratives in this chapter come together to form a complex three- dimensional image of the multiple communities within Durham Cathedral, highlighting the difficulties that arise in the relationships between the communities and the building, thus, revealing the importance of negotiation in the communities in the face of constant change as the various parts of the community vie for space within the building. Whilst the main purpose of Durham Cathedral is being a place of worship, it must also support itself financially, which at times brings individuals who worship at Durham Cathedral into conflict with the future vision of the building. In pursuing these financial aims, the history of the building was often played upon emphasising its historical past and beauty as an architecturally important building to draw in individuals for purposes other than religious, an aspect most clearly born out in the Lumiére festival, an event which caused disruption to the religious routines of the building. With both entrance fee and commercialisation being key concerns for many parts of the community, negotiation becomes a key aspect of life. In negotiation, these separate communities function together both in and with the building which is crucial, as the Chapter Clerk suggested, ‘it’s how we work together that is the challenge, and it occupies a lot of my thinking. We need to be like the old cliché “singing from the same hymn sheet”, but we often don’t’. As the rest of this thesis explores, this act of negotiation and improvisation takes place on a daily, and even hourly basis as groups of people negotiate not only each other but also the 900 plus year old building and the difficulties which arise in inhabiting such an old and significant building whilst accommodating modern life.