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Chapter 7: Conclusion
This thesis has examined the link between independence referenda and minority
nationalist discourses on immigration. I demonstrate in each case that the referendum period acts as lock-in mechanism that secures minority discourses about immigrants that were created by nationalist frames throughout the process. Importantly, the referenda played a role in the development of either an accepting or a sceptical narrative toward immigration. In Quebec, I note the development of a suspicious narrative toward immigration, whereas I observe a more accepting or accommodating rhetoric in the Catalan and Scottish cases. The aim of this research project is to answer the question if, without a referendum, the relationship between the
nationalist movement and immigrant communities would be more fluid in each of the case studies presented.
The intersection of the cultural demands between minority nations and a diverse region showcases the role of the referenda in congealing minority nationalist attitudes towards
immigrants. The preceding analysis has allowed me to highlight that without a referendum the minority nationalist views of immigrant communities would have remained more flexible.
Further, each case demonstrates that the immigrant community position in the referenda
(whether they are more or less favourably disposed toward independence) acts as the mechanism that locks in the minority nationalist discourses on immigrants. In other words, through the independence referenda immigrant identity frames presented by SSNP elites are locked-in. This final chapter offers a synthesis of the findings from each case study. This allows the reader to understand how and to what extent the information presented in the case studies matches the hypotheses set out in Chapter 3. Through my research, I am able to identify notable theoretical
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and policy implications of my study. I conclude by discussing these, along with the limitations of the study and areas for future research.
My work is premised on four claims that developed the theory of the independence referendum as a lock-in mechanism that secures SSNP political elite discourse toward
immigrants into the minority region. The following paragraphs illustrate how the empirical data presented here fit with the hypotheses outlined in Chapter 3. First, all SSNRs analyzed developed unique diversity policies in opposition to state immigration policies. Diversity management became an important part in the nation-building efforts for nationalist parties in Quebec, Catalonia, Scotland. While all three cases were limited by constitutional constraints in terms of how they could direct their own immigration policies, managing immigration and integration became an important nation-building tool, notably in contrast to the central state. For instance, Quebec SSNPs rejected the Canadian multicultural model for the use of its own policy of interculturalism. As noted, this rejection is based on the perception that multiculturalism was intended to undermine Quebec nationalist aspirations. As such, this perception has affected the way in which cultural communities are discussed in the region. Further, Quebec offers
intercultural education policies that are used to integrate immigrants into the French culture rather than link them to the Canadian English institutions. While in policy, the PQ view diversity as opportunity to build on the nation of Quebec as nation for all its residents, discursive
examples noted point to the opposite.
In Catalonia, language is also a contentious issue as politicians attempt to encourage the use of Catalan to differ from the mainstream Spanish language and culture. As such, immigration has become a salient issue in Catalan national politics. Catalonia adopted more accommodating policies toward immigrants in contrast to the Spanish state in 2001. Importantly, this progressive
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approach to immigration was continued throughout the 2003 elections and beyond, although party competition played a role in the creation of negative rhetoric, particularly from parties of the right but also from within the CiU.
The Scottish region has embraced diversity as an important building block to their national identity despite the central message of the UK that views immigration as a threat. The SNP have committed to pursue welcoming policies around immigration and all Scottish parties worked to spite British Government policies. Therefore, the use of public policy in SSNRs is twofold. It has the expected function of providing necessities to the public, but it is also
frequently used in order to build separate identity. Certainly, the dynamic between policies of the state and policies of SSNPs have a role in the development of nationalist discourse toward immigrants. With such divergent views on policies, independence becomes one of the most salient issue in SSNRs.
Second, an independence referendum represents an important period of political stress in each region identified here, where immigration becomes a more prominent topic. The
referendum becomes the medium for the solidification of nationalist discourse toward immigrants, especially as the oppositional policies created by the nation- building process produce diversity practices wherein immigrants are percieved a certain way by the SSNRs.
While the province of Quebec did offer some policies in efforts to integrate newcomers, it struggled to actually incorporate immigrants into the sovereinty movement, due to exclusiveness of the PQ and the BQ parties. In Catalonia, the CiU were somewhat successful in gaining
supporters for the sovereignty movement yet discursive examples from main party advocates, such as Pujol and Ferrusola, highlight the fragmentation in party views towards immigration.
Scotland offers the clearest example of welcoming policies and discourses before the referendum
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period especially as the dichomoty of us versus them was not noted in any of the discurisve examples presented here.
In Quebec, the minority region opposition results in more exclusive diveristy policies and in turn, the majority of immigrants appeared more supportive of the central
government/preservation of the state. In Scotland, the minority region opposition results in more inclusive policies and therefore immigrants appear more supportive of the independence
movement. In Catalonia, the relationship between SSNRs and immigrant groups is complicated by regional party ties to the central state. However, under, the CiU, some inclusive (although assimilationalist) policies were presented and therefore immigrants appeared more supportive of independentist movement. Or rather, immigrants were so well integrated into the policital sphere such a distinction did not play a factor in the discourse. Further, the decision to allow all
immigrants to vote in the independence referendum had unparalleled effects on their involvement in the referendum and, in turn the way in which they were framed by sub-state national parties in Catalonia.
Third, immigrant frames created by SSNPs prior to and during the independence
referendum were relevent to the nationalist movements. In Quebec, immigrants were percieved as undermining self-determination for the minority nation whereas in Catalonia and Scotland immigrants were so well incorporated into the movement there was no need to frame them as outsiders; many simply voted along with previous party allegiances. Indeed, while there are some discursive examples from members of the CiU that denote negative attitudes towards immigrants prior to the referedum, there are none noted here during the Catalan independence referendum period. Immigrants in Scotland were usually framed as part of the Scottish national fabric, setting the region apart in the case studies analyzed here.
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The Catalan and Scottish cases highlight the important relationship formed between immigrants and minority nations by invovling the former in an important polical opportunity.
Further, while political pandering to immigrant groups was noted in all cases, it’s effects were only noted in Catalonia and Scotland. SSNPs in the Catalan and Scotttish cases did make claims that immigrant groups would be better supported by an independent state. Immigrant groups in Quebecfelt they did not fit into the nationalist fabric. Further still, the Québécoismajority
seemed so caught up in the divide between French and English there was very little room for the allophone minority. Therefore, no promises were made to groups in anticipation of them
supporting soverignty. Moreover, the referendum period seemed to open a chasm in the polticial divide between some immigrant groups and seperatists as noted above.
Fourth, how the minority nationalists’ perceived immigrant voting patterns in the referendum ultimately affected their attitudes toward immigrant communities after the
referendum took place. These views were secured and normalized through the framing process and political articulation associated with the referendum period. This is especially true in the case of Quebec upon an analysis of policy and discourse development after the referendum period.
The Catalan and Scottish Case studies highlight the importance of political mobilization used by the nationalist parties. Separatist political parties in these regions have tried to socialize immigrants through the concept of belonging. In these two cases, the independence process becomes more about political mobilization than identity. Therefore, my work has implications for future studies that discuss the connection between immigration and minority regions by incorporating research on political mobilization. The referendum period in Quebec saw the widening of political divides between two community groups whereas the process in Catalonia
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and Scotland seem to mirror modern social movements by incorporating marginalized groups into the political process. Notably, future research should consider analyzing the societal impact of referendums as social movements, especially the impact on typically marginalized groups.
Ultimately, my work provides a nuanced addition to the studies on nationalism and immigrations by examining the referenda as a lock-in mechanism. I add to the scholarship on nationalism in multinational states by introducing a novel approach to understanding the relationship between nationalist movements and immigrant groups under a time of political stress. However, while more extensive work could be done through content analysis, this study has sought to provide an introduction to the impact of referenda on nationalism and attitudes towards immigration. Future research should include more qualitative methodology, with a greater reliance on primary sources. Certainly, interviews with notable individuals involved in the referendum period would shed more light on perceptions of the time. Furthermore, the limited availability of quantitative information on voting patterns prevents me from making conclusive remarks about immigrant behaviour. However, perceptions of immigrant behaviour by minority regionalists groups, as noted in the cases study analysis, demonstrate that
referendums due matter in terms of subsequent policy and discursive development. Notably, moments of political stress offer an interesting opportunity for researchers to examine how minorities are incorporated into society. As ‘othering’ becomes a part of the rhetoric on immigrants and refugees in certain areas of the contemporary, western world it is important to understand that this research offers starting point in discursive studies on the views of
immigrants in minority regions.
A final note should be made about the current world political climate in 2016. While I examined political developments in the regions until the end of 2015, this thesis was completed
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at a particularly politically turbulent time. Throughout the time I wrote my thesis, the world saw the rise of ISIS and the complexities of the Syrian crisis; which have created the biggest outflow of refugees since World War Two. While unprecedented terrorist attacks are becoming more prevalent throughout Western Europe, Britain exits the European Union. Moreover, the former Stephen Harper Administration in Canada used divisive political techniques to pit certain citizen groups against one another. Certainly, the analysis of these factors has no place in my thesis but there is no doubt that these factors would have had an effect on global and minority regionalist’s perceptions. As Britain takes leave from the EU, one might analyze how this change could impact Scottish political rhetoric, especially with regards to its will to leave the UK. Did Québécois rhetoric towards immigration change based on the conservative ideals that were presented under Stephen Harper Administration? Moreover, will minority regions demand for more control over immigration, especially over a perceived type of immigrant? And, how will this affect their views on immigration?
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