CONCLUSION Limits of this Study

As mentioned before, using case studies as a methodology in this study has limits; namely, it prevents a large sample size from being used and employing quantitative methods to describe this data. The topic of the study, however, has encouraged more qualitative methods to be used. With 58 cases of journalist murder for reasons likely related to their work since 1992, Russia is one of the most violent states on the planet for journalists to operate in, but 58 out of many hundreds of investigative journalists in Russia still makes for a relatively small number. Because of this, this study has not been able to establish an “iron law” of journalist violence: it does not claim to explain every incident of attacks on journalists, but rather identifies two key trends: journalists who threaten the development of the Russian state and who have their

notoriety boosted by serving in an official role outside of journalism are at risk for violent attacks with impunity for their killers. Other journalists who attack the state building project and are not attacked certainly exist, as evidenced by the continued existence of Novaya Gazeta, Meduza, and other critical papers and websites, and for some murdered journalists it is undoubtably difficult to link their reportage with attacks on the state building project. However, this study is confident in stating that these characteristics can lead to unpunished violence against journalists in Russia.

Russia enters 2019 in an unenviable position: placed critically low on measures of democracy, freedom of speech, freedom of press, and successful criminal cases carried out against those who attack journalists. “Total impunity” is a common measure of prosecutorial outcomes for the murders of journalists on the Committee to Protect Journalists’ webpage, and in

51

this study it appears four times out of a possible six. 2019 also sees Russia enter the second year of the fourth term of President Putin’s administration, with bills giving Roskomnadzor the authority to jail those who publish “fake news” as defined by the government and impose fines of up to 300,000 roubles for insulting public servants or state symbols becoming law.123 As Putin continues in potentially his final term as president and anti-“fake news” laws become more popular worldwide, the Russian state appears to be poised to restrict the publishing and printing of opposition materials even more intensely than before. Russia’s new era, both post-Crimea and post-2018, will almost certainly continue the existing restructuring patterns observed in state- media relations since 2000. Will violence continue to decrease as the state continues to consolidate media sources under existing state media corporations? Careful and methodical observation will be required to analyze the final five years of Putin regarding many

developments in the Russian state, but a critical area to monitor has been and will continue to be the health and safety of opposition media activity under Russia’s longest-serving president. Working to monitor threats against journalists serves the memory of the men and women discussed here, and the safety of all Russians who work for a free and independent press, “fanatically dedicated to this profession of reporting the world around us.”124

123 _{Alphonse, Lylah. 19 March 2019. “Russia Passes Law Punishing ‘Disrespect’ and ‘Fake News.’” US}

News and World Report. https://www.usnews.com/news/best-countries/articles/2019-03-19/putin-passes- law-punishing-fake-news-and-content-insulting-or-disrespectful-to-russia

124 _{Politkovskaya, Anna. September 2006. “I am a pariah.” Trans. Arch Tait. in Writers Under Siege:}

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