CONCLUSIONS

The conclusions below derived from the results of mapping and secondary statistical surveys and population censuses in Chapter 4, and analysing primary data collected from surveys and presented in chapters 5 and 6.

7.2.1 Growth dynamics of informal settlements

The first significant finding is that informal settlement development is a key feature of the rapid urbanisation of post independence Windhoek accounting for 93% of the population growth of the city between 1995 and 2001. It is estimated that in the 10 years between 2001 and 2010 the informal settlement population of Windhoek will more than double from 48 183 to between 108 691 and 128 522. This represents an annual growth rate of informal settlements that is twice that of the annual growth rate of Windhoek’s population. These figures confirm the significant role of informal settlement growth in the rapid growth of Windhoek between 1990 and 2008.

Related to these growth dynamics of informal settlements is that while the spatial footprint of informal settlements remained virtually static between 1998 and 2003 (273.3ha to 273.2ha);

by 2008 the areal extent of informal settlement almost trebled to 759.3 hectares. The population density for these three years rose from 97 people per hectare (p/h) in 1998 to 280p/h in 2003, and down to 176p/h by 2008. These findings paint a picture of 300 squatter households at independence in 1990, growing rapidly to 7000 households (or 28 000 people) by 1995, and 48 183 people by 2003 living in informal settlements in Windhoek. This period experienced rapid increase in population on limited land area, suggesting significant densification in informal settlements to a peak population density of 280p/h in 2003. The next period 2003 to 2008 saw a new wave of invasion in the areas around Havana and Oohambo dha Nehale coinciding with the in-situ upgrading and the associated processes of de-densification and decantation of population in the initial area of settlement around Okahandja Park.

7.2.2 Location of informal settlements and land ownership

Both the socio-economic survey and several surveys done by the City of Windhoek (2002 –

settlements and public (council) ownership of land. Since the Municipality of Windhoek owns about 80% of the land in Windhoek, it seems reasonable to assume that migrants into city occupy Municipal land to avoid instant eviction from the land or in the hope that their tenure will become regularised. The Municipality own 66% of land in Okahandja Park and 100% in Oohambo dha Nehale respectively. Secondly, given that the Municipality has shown willingness to improve the living conditions of the people (through provision of services and eventual upgrading) rather than evicting them from the land, this may have influenced on new dwellers to locate close to areas where services were provided and in reception areas.

International literature also suggests that Informal settlements tend to develop and consolidate on public land as a way of reducing vulnerability to eviction as there is likely to be a greater sense of legitimacy to claim for secure tenure (Skinner, 1982, Davis, 2007).

It was not, however clear in the Windhoek case, whether decisions in the ‘invasion’ of land or informal settlement development was informed by who owned the land or simply because since Council owned most of the land, then chances were that land so occupied would be public land. It was also not clear whether the timing of invasion coincided with or pre-empted election years to ensure that political compromises against evictions were negotiated. What seems clear however is that democratisation in 1990 facilitated development of informal settlement development as the end of the almost military-style controlled urbanisation under apartheid stewardship meant that threats to evictions were significantly reduced.

7.2.3 Security of tenure and property improvements by residents

The findings around the positive relationship between perceptions of relative security of tenure by residents of informal settlements as influencing decisions on investment in property improvements by households (van Gelder, 2007) are validated in the study in light of the fact that all members of the Shack Dwellers Association of Namibia interviewed felt secure after negotiating to buy the land they occupied from Council and therefore formed a savings group.

This willingness to save is an indication of their willingness and commitment to invest in acquiring and improvement of their properties. Security of tenure is a major concern for all the residents of informal settlements since the majority of the respondents from two study areas expressed uncertainty regarding their stay in the area. Out of 150 respondents, 117 (78%) respondents have indicated that they are not secure and this has a negative impact on their decision regarding improvements to their properties. Many indicated that they occupy land illegally; therefore their security over the land is an important disincentive to invest in the improvement of their habitats.

7.2.4 Official attitudes and planning implications to the growth of informal settlements

The City of Windhoek is responsible for the provision of services and addressing the needs of all the inhabitants in Windhoek irrespective of their income status. Informal settlements are major challenges to the City of Windhoek. The progressive migration in the city poses various problems to the WCC and in various occasions failed to contain the growth and keep pace with high demands for services. From 1991 to 1999, the Windhoek City Council (WCC) established three reception areas that were meant to be temporal to control the flocking of people in the city. However, the reception areas got congested as they attracted more people.

Despite these major efforts by the Council to supply developed land to poor clients, the number of informal households outside the reception areas continued to grow. People continued to flock to the reception areas as they felt services can be provided to these areas.

The Council was left with no choice than to provide services through upgrading process.

Basic services including water and toilets were provided through the upgrading of informal settlements.

The upgrading projects of the City of Windhoek usually involve relocating people to certain areas of Windhoek. This process is not preferred by the majority of residents because it disrupts community networks and some people are being relocated far from their places of work. The majority of informal settlements earn little income from informal activities, relocating them means they will be forced to spend almost their whole incomes on transport to and from places of work. The City of Windhoek also offers renting as an option to urban poor. This option is not good to the poor because the majority can not afford to pay the monthly rent.

The Access to Land and Housing Policy for the City of Windhoek states that everyone should have adequate shelter that is healthy, secure, safe and affordable and that includes basic services, facilities and amenities (City of Windhoek, 2000a). People in informal settlements are still facing problems stemming from lack of secure tenure and some settlements are still without basic services such as toilets and potable water. The majority of informal settlement dwellers are still using riverbeds to relieve themselves and this poses public health risks.

The National Housing Policy strives to encourage the roles of the informal sector activities by designating accessible areas in which poor people are able to operate free from development restrictions (Republic of Namibia, 1998). The majority of the residents of informal settlements eke a living through informal sector. Most of these people are still operating from the streets because on one hand, there are not enough open markets where they can operate, and on the other hand, they are required to pay a monthly fee to be able to operate from available facilities.

The findings on the official attitudes and policy responses to the growth of informal settlements are not conclusive for several reasons. Firstly, there was a general reluctance by state officials to depart from official policy in their responses to our questionnaires with the result that responses from this instrument were unreliable and therefore not used. One reason for this maybe the fact that policies and strategies formulated to respond to rapid informal settlement development were reactive and lagged behind the rapid pace of informalisation.

Other factors relate to the sensitivity of the politically contested status of the black or African urbanite in Namibian cities in the post-apartheid transition. Lastly, it was probably necessary to allow for a gestation period of the first-generation policies and strategies to rapid informal settlement development, particularly for Windhoek, the capital. Chapter 6 therefore narrates the policy and strategy journey as essentially a reactive response to informal settlement development.

7.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

Based on the outcomes of the research, two sets of recommendations have been identified.

These relate to both policy and praxis as well as areas for further research.

7.3.1 Policy and practice recommendations

a. Local economic and community development (LECD) intervention

Development and planning interventions in informal settlements should be holistic in dealing with the lived experiences and livelihoods of residents of informal settlements. The majority of the respondents from the study areas do not have the necessary qualifications to take up jobs in the formal sector; therefore the government in collaboration with Local Authorities need to promote and support informal sector activities. The study has shown that informal settlement dwellers are resourceful and highly motivated to earn incomes in the urban areas and need to be supported in their attempts at social and economic upliftment through training programmes which will eventually allow such people to be self-reliant and be able to pave their own ways in an urban environment and, more importantly, not be a continuous drain on scarce state resources. The City of Windhoek needs to encourage the role of the informal sector in the provision of housing by designating enough accessible areas in which they are able to operate with limited restrictions and which they self manage and policy in partnership with the City.

b. Livelihood and community needs assessments

It is important that development interventions should be based on the needs of urban poor and local authorities must encourage and involve residents in making decisions about development interventions in their neighbourhoods. The needs of residents of informal