Chapter 3: The Socio-‐Legal Tapestry of Pakistan 96
3.2. Constitutional Arrangement and Common law 97
Notwithstanding the struggle between religious and secular notions, the constitutional and common law traditions Pakistan inherited from its colonial legacy constitute the dominant legal system of the country. Based on their historical legacy, the state-‐oriented legal system is largely formulated on the
principles of English constitutional and legal traditions.327 The Constitution of
1973, which is currently in force, designates the country an Islamic Republic328
and institutes a Parliamentary system of Governance329 and a hierarchy of
Courts.330 Article 175(1) of the Constitution establishes a Supreme Court at the
Federal level, and five High Courts – one for each of the four Provinces, and one High Court for the Islamabad Capital Territory.331 The Supreme Court has
Original (Suo Motu) Jurisdiction on matters of dispute between Federal Government and Provincial Governments, as well as on matters of public importance,332 and appellate jurisdiction on decisions of the High Courts.333 It
also has advisory jurisdiction on questions referred to the Court by the President.334 Below the Supreme Court, there’s a hierarchy of civil and criminal
courts, culminating with the High Courts at the top within their respective regions.335
The common law tradition means that the principle of stare decisis (legal precedent) is followed by the courts according to their hierarchy.336 Article 188
of the Constitution makes the decisions of the Supreme Court on the questions of law binding on all subordinate courts. The decisions of the High Court are
327 Martin Lau, 'Introduction to the Pakistani Legal System, with special reference to the Law of
Contract' in Eugene Cotran and Chibli Mallat (eds), Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law (Kluwer Law International, London 1994) 3.
328 Article 1 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973. 329 Ibid. Part III, Chapter 2.
330 Ibid. Part VI, Chapters 1-‐4.
331 Ibid. Article 175(1). Islamabad High Court established through the Constitution (Eighteenth
Amendment) Act, 2010.
332 Ibid. Article 184. 333 Ibid. Article 185. 334 Ibid. Article 186.
335 For a graphical description of the hierarchy of Courts in Pakistan, see Martin Lau (1994) (n
327) 4 and 7.
binding on itself, as well as on the subordinate courts that lie under its jurisdiction, but not on the High Courts from other provinces.337 The decisions
of the Privy Council, which was the apex court for the British Indian state and continued this role even after partition until 1950, are treated with ‘due respect’, as they are considered by the Supreme Court to be ‘expositions of the law by one of the highest judicial tribunals in the world composed of distinguished men who had special knowledge about our public law.’338 But the
Privy Council judgements do not bind the courts and cannot prevail over the Supreme or Federal Court decisions.339 The superior courts have also
highlighted the difference between the foundational norms and ideologies of the pre and post-‐partition judicial systems of the country, stating that ‘We are governed by a written Constitution; and have an ideology based on the religion of Islam. Common law of England is not, and cannot be, the common law or the national law of Pakistan.’340
But there are other streams within the Judicature which make the structure more complicated. The Federal Shariat Court (FSC) is commonly criticised as being a parallel judiciary within the country. The FSC, established in 1980,341
has been given the remit to examine any and all laws that may be repugnant to Islamic injunctions.342 The decisions of the FSC, which also has suo motu
337 Subject to the convention noted by the Lahore High Court in (PLD 1960 Lah 687), quoted in
Martin Lau (1994) (n 327) 12-‐13.
338 Ibid. 9. 339 Ibid. 340 Ibid. 10.
341 Through the Presidential Order No. 1 of 1980 (incorporated into Article 203, Chapter 3-‐A of
the 1973 Constitution).
jurisdiction,343 can only be reviewed through the Shariat Appellate Bench of the
Supreme Court344 and particular issues with this judicial framework will be
further discussed below. The judicial system also includes special Anti-‐ Terrorism Courts (ATCs) which were established in 1997.345 Initially, the ATCs
were constituted as special military tribunals, the judgements from which could not be appealed to the superior courts in Pakistan.346 However, after the
Supreme Court’s ruling of unconstitutionality against ATCs in the Mehram Ali case347 and the subsequent amendments to the concerned legislations, the ATCs
now fall within the jurisdiction of the High Courts. The ATCs specifically deal with issues of ‘Terrorism’ under the Anti-‐Terrorism legislation, broadly defined to cover not just terrorist activities but even robbery and dacoity.348
There are two further anomalies in the national judicature, in addition to the controversial nature of FSC and ATCs. The Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)349 of the
country are directly governed under the President and Provincial Governor’s executive authority.350 The judicial matters within these regions are managed
by appointed Jirgas, the committee of elders selected for this purpose, working under the authority of the Commissioner.351 The decisions of Jirgas can be
343 Ibid. Article 203D(1). 344 Ibid. Article 203F(3).
345 Reconstituted in 1999 by the Anti-‐Terrorism (Amendment) Ordinance 1999. 346 Articles 12 and 25 of the Anti-‐Terrorism Act, 1997.
347 Martin Lau (2006) (n 97) 105-‐106.
348 Shabana Fayyaz, 'Responding to Terrorism: Pakistan's Anti-‐Terrorism Laws' (Pakistan
Insitute for Peace Studies, Islamabad, Pakistan 2008) 5.
349 Defined through Article 246 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973. 350 Ibid. Article 247.
appealed to the Commissioner, but the Supreme Court and the High Courts do not have any jurisdiction to review these decisions, unless stipulated by the President or the Parliament.352 This anomaly will be further discussed in the
section on colonial law below. Moreover, the Nizam-‐e-‐Adl (literally, the System of Justice) Regulation of 2009 introduced yet another mechanism of justice administration based on Islamic conceptions, in the Malakand region of the country.353 These regulations established the office of Qazis (Islamic Judges) as
the main judicial body, who would consider cases based on a different notion of procedure and evidence as required by national laws.354
This brief overview of the dominant state-‐oriented legal system shows that even at the level of the state law, different tendencies and mechanisms of law can be identified. With common law and British constitutional traditions operating at the level of the superior courts, the manifestations of Islamic law are evident through the presence of Federal Shariat Court and the recently instituted Qazi courts. The contestation between the Islamic and secular (for lack of a better word) notions of law is also evident in the instances of the Nizam-‐e-‐Adl Ordinance, which was implemented due to a demand by Islamic militant groups,355 as well as the Anti-‐Terrorism Ordinance existing under the
same legal framework. Moreover, the Regulations governing the Tribal Areas depict both the legacy of colonial laws instituted by the British Indian state, as well as provide a glimpse into the traditional mechanisms of justice by using the
352 Article 247(7) of the 1973 Constitution. 353 The Shariah Nizam-‐e-‐Adl Ordinance, 2009. 354 Ibid. Article 6.
terminology and systems of jirgas. The sections below will elaborate on each of these spheres of law and legality in order to lay out a holistic picture of Pakistan’s socio-‐legal tapestry.