5.4 Continuous Functions
5.4.1 Continuity at a point
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An Assessment of Affirmative Action on
166
Also, various efforts have been made to develop the needed legal and political frameworks for women empowerment, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This shows the level of commitment of the international community, especially to states that are signatories to the convention, in taking the needed actions aimed at improving the rights of women.
Similarly, another action worthy of note taken by the international community towards enhancing gender equality was the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action which was the outcome of the Fourth World Conference on Women in September 1995. Today, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action is regarded as one of the outstanding roadmaps for improving the lot of women all over the world. Moreover, the Beijing conference held between 4th and 15th September, 1995 attended by over 50,000 participants from over 170 countries of the world, has set the needed pace for contemporary times, on the need to bridge the gap of gender inequality in the world. The aftermath of the Beijing conference set the centre stage for the Bill for Rights of women in August 1997 that attracted the attention of participants from 160 countries. This further called for the ratification of 1979 United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) which had a historic attendance of over 100 countries. In a bid to show commitment on the part of the United States of America to promoting gender equality, an estimated 1.6 billion dollars was budgeted to support the fight against women's denigration and the formation of a Residents council on women affairs known as the National Council of Women Affairs (NCWA). Similarly, the Division of the Advancement of Women (DAW) was given the desired attention to coordinate the medium term plan between 1996 and 2001, as well as serve as the platform for inter-agency coordination for the promotion of gender equality (Ugwu, 2008:56).
Besides, efforts have been made to develop human rights frameworks that will guarantee human rights, especially, the rights of women across the globe, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948); International Convention on the Elimination of All forms or Racial Discrimination (ICERD) (1948); Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) (1984); the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (1966); the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) (1966); United Nations Conference on Human Rights (1993);
Convention on the Child Right Act (CRC) (1989); International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of the Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICRMW) (1990);
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) (2006) and UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (2001) buttress the immutability of human rights (Umoh, et al 2019).
Today, some African countries like Rwanda (2003), South Africa (1994) and Uganda (1989) have introduced a quota system for women representation in parliament. But Nigeria has not adopted electoral quota for women in parliament. In the literature a number of reasons have been advanced for low representation of women in parliament in many African countries today such as the ‘first-past-the-post’ electoral system that provided the platform for winner-takes-all has led to distorted patterns of representation in parliament. Besides, the monetarisation of politics in many African countries especially in Nigeria where women are at a disadvantaged positions (economically) in the struggling to compete at the constituency level (Umoh, et al, 2019; Madsen, 2019).
Over the years, women's empowerment indicators are based on the indices of life expectancy, education, and political participation to wages. It is pertinent to note that d espite the fact that
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Nigeria adopted various international instruments on gender equality; the nation is ranked abysmally low in terms of women’s empowerment in Africa. Moreover, one aspect that Nigerian women have been so ranked is in the area of decision in Nigeria over the past two decades of democracy in Nigeria (NBS, 2018). Though, concerted efforts have been made to domesticate these instruments in the Nigerian legal systems, it has not exactly been a smooth sail. It is against this backdrop that this study seeks this study seeks to make a case for the domestication of the thirty percent affirmative action for women empowerment in the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as a measure in addressing the increasing underrepresentation of women in both elective and appointive positions on the country.
Literature Review
Gender Inequality and Decision Making in Democracy
The concept of gender has its origin in Latin which signifies 'kind' or 'group'. In contemporary times, the concept has been used to represent masculinity and feminism. Today the concept of gender is used to denote unequal perceptions and roles that a society assigns to both males and females, especially, the female or women group (Anyalebechi, 2016: 64). Ugwu (2008) sees the concept of gender within the mindset or the fact of being male or female or in relation to sex of human race which intrinsically has generated the question of roles and placements in the society. Blomgren, (2010) sees gender as the roles, relationships, attitudes, behaviour and values etc. that society ascribes to men and women.
O’Neil and Domingo (2015) assert that decision-making power is the ability to influence decisions that affect one’s life. These include issues that affect both ones private and public life. Therefore, the ability of people, especially women to have formal access to political positions and to decision making is considered critical in empowering women. Again, O’Neil and Domingo (2015) have argued that decision-making powers, to a large extent, determine women's access, capabilities and actions. It also determines if they have influence over political processes or decisions as it concern their private lives. Therefore, it can be said that women's access to political processes and decision making is central to their access to leadership positions and ability to wield power like their counterparts, the menfolk.
Today, there are growing numbers of literature on gender issues over the past three decades like Umoh, Momoh, and Rwang (2019) examined gender (In)equality, challenges and implications for African states; O’Neil and Domingo (2015) in their study make a case for empowering women in decision making and the need to reduce gender inequality; Anyalebechi (2016) identified the causes of gender inequality in Nigeria; Beaman, Dufl, Pande, and Topalova (2006) examined gender bias against women in politics and policy-making in rural India; Chappell and Waylen (2013) examined the imperatives of promoting gender equality in various institutions’; Diaz and Marin (2013) in their study made a case for the advancement of women’s rights agenda in Columbia; Domingo, Holmes, O’Neil, Jones, Bird, Larson, Presler-Marshall, and Valters, (2015) in their study provided evidence on the need to improve Women’s voice in leadership and decision-making; Hughes, Duncan, and Pournik, (2014);
Klugman, Hanmer, Twigg, Hasan, McClearySills, and Santamaria, (2014) examined women leadership role as critical for their empowerment; Krook, (2010) undertake a comparative study on women representation in parliament; Krook, and O’Brien (2012) made a case for the need to appoint more women as cabinet ministers all over the world; O’Neil and Cummings (2015) examined the use of the information and communication technologies in increasing the voice and influence of women and girls; and O’Neil and Plank, (2015) identified the need to provide support to women and girls’ in leadership positions. All these studies have severally attempted
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to identify the plight of women and have stressed the need to improve the socio-economic and political wellbeing of women all over the world, especially in countries where the level of gender inequality is wide spread.
Recent studies have shown that women all over the world, especially within the last three decades, are becoming more popular in public domain that any other period in the history of human society. This is evident in terms of the number of women who have more access to decision making, especially in parliament, judiciary and professional associations (O’Neil and Domingo, 2015) in countries like Cuba (53.2%); Bolivia (53.1%); Mexico (48.2%), Grenada (46.7%), Nicaragua (45.7%) and Costa Rica (45.6%); Namibia (46.2%); South Africa (42.7%)and Sweden (46.1%) (WEFORUM, 2019). From the review of the above literature, we discovered that very limited number of studies have made a case for the domestication of the thirty percent affirmative action as a strategic framework for women's empowerment in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Imperatives of the thirty percent affirmative action in Nigeria’s Democracy
Gender issues have dominated many international discussions and debates in recent years all over the world. Though, significant efforts have been made by the international community to improve the conditions of women, the level of implementation have been less than encouraging in some countries, especially in the developing countries. On the contrary, the developed countries are making giant strides in this regard. In the past three decades, gender gaps across the world have declined, especially in developing countries of the world. For instance, the Economist report 2015 shows that the percentage of women representation based on global statistics has shown increased from 11.3% in 1995 to 22% in 2015. However, earlier report from the UN Women, (2011) shows that modest progress was recorded in 2011 in which women attained 40% of formal labour force and 27% of judges all over the world. Besides, other breakthrough recorded was that women have started gaining access to hitherto male dominated professions like the police force in which women were able to achieve 9% in 2011.
In the literature of gender studies, a numbers of factors have been identified to have been responsible for the worsened situation of gender inequality in many developing countries of the world especially in Africa. Some of these constraints range from economic exploitation and impoverishment to discriminatory cultural norms; exclusion from public life; poor access to education; poor economic incentives; political hindrance and constitutional constraints (Anyalebechi, 2016). However, in Nigeria, especially since the return to democratic rule on May 29, 1999, the level of women's representation in politics and d ecision making has been low despite the status of the country as a signatory to many international frameworks for gender equality. Besides, a number of factors have been identified to have been responsible for gender inequality in many countries of the world. Some of these constraints range from discriminatory cultural norms; lack of access to education; poor economic incentives; political hindrances and constitutional constraints inherent in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Enemuo, 1999).
It is pertinent to note that despite the adoption of many international instruments for women's empowerment in Nigeria, the domestication of these instruments have been problematic.
Available statistics from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018) have shown that over the past twenty years of democracy in Nigeria, women have not been adequately represented in decision making processes. Thus, there is the need for the domestication of the 30% affirmative action for women involvement in the decision making process in the country. As we have stated earlier, our focus is to make a case for the imperatives of 30% affirmative actions for women
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representation in decision making in the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
This position is informed by the available evidence of continuous poor representation of women in politics and decision making in Nigeria over the past twenty years of democratic rule (1999-2019).
Table 1 Distribution of Number Occupying Elective Positions as President and Vice President in the Executive Arm and Number of Available Seat (1999-2019)
Position 1999-2003 No. of Seat Available
2003-2007 No. of Seat Available
2007-2011 No. of Seat Available
2011-2015 No. of Seat Available
2015-2019 No. of Seat Available Sex Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female
President 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0
Vice President
1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0
Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Figure 1 shows Number of Presidents and Vice President elected in Nigeria by year and Sex (1999-2019)
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
From table 1 above shows that no woman has been elected into the position of President and Vice President in Nigeria between 1999 and 2019. This implies that men have dominated all the elective positions as Presidents and Vice Presidents in Nigeria within the last 20 years which shows that there is the need for the domestication of the 30 per cent affirmative action in Nigerian legal frameworks for women representation in decision making process in Nigeria, if Nigeria will intend to have a female President and Vice presidents in the nearest future.
Table 2 Appointive Ministerial Positions in Nigeria by Sex (1999-2019)
1999 2003 2007 2011 2015 2019
M F M F M F M F M F M F
89 11 38 4 83 12 53 15 31 5 35 7
Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2018) www.bbc.com (2019)
Male, 1999-2003, 1 Male, 2003-2007, 1 Male, 2007-2011, 1 Male, 2011-2015, 1
Male, 2015-2019, 0 Female,
1999-2003, 0
Female, 2003-2007, 0
Female, 2007-2011, 0
Female, 2011-2015, 0
Female, 2015-2019, 0
Male Female
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Figure 3 Appointive Ministerial Positions in Nigeria by Sex (1999-2019)
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Burea u of Statistics (2018).
Table 2 above shows that 89 men and 11 women were appointed as ministers between 1999 and 2003. Besides, between 2003 and 2007, available statistics show that 38 men and 4 women were appointed as Ministers. Moreover, from 2007 to 2011, 83 men and 12 women were appointed as Ministers. In addition, from 2011 to 2015, statistics show 53 men and 15 women were appointed Ministers. Lastly, between 2015 and 2019 statistics show 35 men and 7 women as Ministers in various ministries in Nigeria. This figure is far below the 30% affirmative actions for women representation in politics and decision making process in Nigeria. Thus, there is the need to amend the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in order to enhanced greater women involvement in decision making in the country.
Table 3 Summary Distribution of Secretaries to the Government of the Federation
Sex 1999-2007 2007-2008 2008-2011 2011-2015 2015-2017 2017-2019
Male 1 1 1 1 1 1
Female 0 0 0 0 0 0
Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Male, 1999, 89
Male, 2003, 38
Male, 2007, 83
Male, 2011, 53
Male, 2015, 31 Male, 2019, 35
Female, 1999, 11
Female, 2003, 4
Female, 2007, 12Female, 2011, 15
Female, 2015, 5 Female, 2019, 7 Male Female
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Figure 4 Summary Distribution of Secretaries to the Government of the Federation
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Table 3 above shows that no woman was appointed Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SSG) since Nigeria's return to democratic rule on May 29, 1999. By implication, no woman was appointed SSG in the first twenty years of existence of the present democratic dispensation in Nigeria. It can be said here that domesticating the 30% affirmative action for women representation in politics and decision making will go a long way in enhancing women empowerment. Therefore, there is the need for constitutional amendment that will provide the desired legal framework for women empowerment if the present conditions of women in Nigeria are expected to change in terms of appointing women as SSGs.
Table 4 Summary of Male and Female Representation as Governor and Deputy Governor
Office 1999 2003 2007 2011 2015 2019
F M F M F M F M F M F M
Governor 0
0 36 36
0 3
37 36
0 4
40 35
0 8
41 39
0 6
36 33
0 3
36 Deputy 33
Governor
Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Female, 1999-2007, 0
Female, 2007-2008, 0
Female, 2008-2011, 0
Female, 2011-2015, 0
Female, 2015-2017, 0
Female, 2017-2019, 0 Male, 1999-2007, 1Male, 2007-2008, 1Male, 2008-2011, 1Male, 2011-2015, 1Male, 2015-2017, 1Male, 2017-2019, 1
Female Male
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Figure 5 Summary of Male and Female Representation as Governor in Nigeria
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Figure 6 Male and Female Representation as Deputy Governor (1999-2019)
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Table 4 above indicates that no woman was elected as Governor since the emergence of Nigerian democracy in May 1999 but has been elected as deputy governor since 2003. Besides, in 2003, only 3 women were elected deputy governors and in 2007, it increased to 4. In 2011, the number increased to 8 women and in 2011 it fell to 6, and further dropped to 3 women in 2019. Therefore, the adoption of the 30% affirmative action of women in the 1999 constitution in this regard will ensure that equal access is given to both men and women for the elective positions as Governors and Deputy Governors respectively in Nigeria. This will in turn help in addressing the dwindling numbers of women as deputy governors in Nigeria and increase the numbers of women aspiring for the post of governors.
Female, 1999, 0 Female, 2003, 0 Female, 2007, 0 Female, 2011, 0 Female, 2015, 0 Female, 2019, 0 Male, 1999, 36 Male, 2003, 37
Male, 2007, 40 Male, 2011, 41
Male, 2015, 35 Male, 2019, 36
Female Male
Female, 1999, 0Female, 2003, 3 Female, 2007, 4
Female, 2011, 8
Female, 2015, 6
Female, 2019, 3 Male, 1999, 36 Male, 2003, 36 Male, 2007, 35 Male, 2011, 39
Male, 2015, 33 Male, 2019, 36
Female Male
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Table 5 Number of Judges in Federal Court by Court Year and Sex
Court 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Supreme Court of Nigeria
M F M F M F M F M F M F
11 3 13 3 13 3 13 3 14 3 11 4
Court of Appeal 48 17 52 19 49 17 63 25 61 26 53 2
6
Federal High Court 43 16 40 15 45 20 38 17 36 17 57 2
3
National Industrial Court 53 53 11 9 11 9 11 8 11 8 11 8
Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Figure 7 Numbers of Supreme Court of Nigeria Judges by Year and Sex
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Figure 8 Numbers of Court of Appeal Judges by Year and Sex
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Male, 2011, 11
Male, 2012, 13 Male, 2013, 13 Male, 2014, 13 Male, 2015, 14
Male, 2016, 11
Female, 2011, 3 Female, 2012, 3 Female, 2013, 3 Female, 2014, 3 Female, 2015, 3Female, 2016, 4 Male Female
Female, 2011, 17Female, 2012, 19Female, 2013, 17
Female, 2014, 25Female, 2015, 26Female, 2016, 26 Male, 2011, 48 Male, 2012, 52
Male, 2013, 49
Male, 2014, 63 Male, 2015, 61
Male, 2016, 53
Female Male
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Figure 9 Numbers of Federal High Court Judges by Year and Sex
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the Nation al Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Figure 10 Numbers of National Industrial Court Judges by Year and Sex
Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
From table 5, Figure 7, 8, 9 and 10 above, shows that there were more male Judges than female Judges in all the federal courts in Nigeria between 2011 and 2015. The Supreme Court had only 3 female judges between 2011 and 2015. In 2016, the number of female judges at the Supreme Court increased to 4. The Court of Appeal had 17 female judges in 2011 and 2013.
In 2014, the number of female judges increased from 25 to 26 as at 2016. The Federal High Court had 16, 15 and 20 female judges in 2011, 2012 and 2013 and the number of female judges increased at the Federal High Court from 17 to 23 between 2014 and 2016. The National Industrial Court had 3 female Judges in 2011 and 2012 respectively.
Female, 2011, 16Female, 2012, 15Female, 2013, 20
Female, 2014, 17Female, 2015, 17
Female, 2016, 23 Male, 2011, 43
Male, 2012, 40
Male, 2013, 45
Male, 2014, 38 Male, 2015, 36
Male, 2016, 57
Female Male
Female, 2011, 3 Female, 2012, 3
Female, 2013, 9 Female, 2014, 9
Female, 2015, 8 Female, 2016, 8
Male, 2011, 5
Male, 2012, 11 Male, 2013, 11 Male, 2014, 11 Male, 2015, 11 Male, 2016, 11
Female Male
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In 2013, the number of female judges at the National Industrial Court increased to 9 but the number later dropped to 8 in 2016. The percentage of male judges in the Federal High Courts in Nigeria between 2011 and 2016 was 70.62% as against women judges of 29.38 percent. This indicates that there were more male judges attend the federal high courts in Nigeria than female judges between 2011 and 2016. Therefore, the low representation of women in all the federal courts in Nigeria since 1999 have further demonstrated the need to include the 30% affirmative action in the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as a way of addressing gender imbalance in the appointment of Judicial officials in the federal courts in Nigeria. This study therefore, is making a case for the inclusion of the 30% affirmative action for women inclusion in decision making especially in appointive positions as Judges in Nigeria will go a long way in addressing the long standing underrepresentation of women as Judges in federal courts in Nigeria as shown from available records since 1999-2019.
Table 6 Number of top Government Officials and Senior Administrator in Nigeria (1999-2015)
Position Male Percentage of Male Female Percentage of
Female Head of Service of
the Federation
9 75 3 25
Federal Permanent Secretaries
95 86 15 14
Federal Special
Advisers 27 77 8 23
Federal Special Assistants
98 72 38 28
Central Bank Governors
4 100 0 0
Federal Chief Executive Officers
307 87 44 13
Federal Director General
114 90 12 10
Federal Executive Secretaries
29 78 8 22
Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Figure 11 Numbers of top Government Officials and Senior Administrator in Nigeria (1999-2015)
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Source: Designed by the Authors with the data obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics (2018).
Table 6 and Figure 11 above indicates that the highest number of women representative among high-ranking government administrators with decision making powers in Nigeria was in the position of Special Assistant, which recorded 28 percent, followed by Head of Service with 25 percent and Special Advisers with 23 percent representation. However, no woman has been nominated as the Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria between 2011 and 2016 and by extension up till 2018. Therefore, to address the low level of women representation at this levels of decision making, domesticating the 30% affirmative action in the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is consider imperative in this regard. This will among other things mandated the government of the day to ensure the appointive position of women will in no way be filled by men. Besides, legal action or actions can be taken against the government when the need arises. This will to a large extent ensure that women are represented at this level of decision making.
Conclusion
This study discovered that women are clearly under-represented in governance in Nigeria since 1999-2019. This is evident in the number of women that occupy key elective and appointive positions in the country. This is far below the 30% affirmative action for women representation in governance that the Nigerian government has adopted. This study further revealed that going by the present statistics, until the political and legal impediments to women's active participation in politics and decision making in Nigeria are removed, and the right legal frameworks that provide the needed platform for women to have access to vital elective and appointive positions in Nigeria are domesticated in the 1999 constitution, women will continue to suffer from gender inequality. Therefore, amending the 1999 constitution in this regard is imperative, if we must achieve greater levels of gender equality in Nigeria. Thus, domesticating the 30% affirmative action in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria will make it binding on political parties and other relevant stakeholders to provide equal level playing field for every aspirant, irrespective of their sex in any elections. This will give Nigerian women a head start in contesting for any election and any position in government they so desire.
Male , Head of Service, 9
Male , Permanent Secretaries, 95Male , Special
Advisers, 27
Male , Special Assistants, 98
Male , Central Bank Governors, 4
Male , Chief Executive Officer,
307
Male , Director General, 114
Male , Executive Secretary, 29 Percentage of Male,
Head of Service, 75%
Percentage of Male, Permanent Secretaries, 86%
Percentage of Male, Special Advisers,
77%
Percentage of Male, Special Assistants,
72%
Percentage of Male, Central Bank Governors, 100%
Percentage of Male, Chief Executive
Officer, 87%
Percentage of Male, Director General,
90%
Percentage of Male, Executive Secretary,
78%
Female, Head of Service, 3
Female, Permanent Secretaries, 15
Female, Special Advisers, 8
Female, Special
Assistants, 38Female, Central Bank Governors, 0
Female, Chief
Executive Officer, 44Female, Director General, 12
Female, Executive Secretary, 8 Percentage of
Female, Head of Service, 25%
Percentage of Female, Permanent
Secretaries, 14%
Percentage of Female, Special
Advisers, 23%
Percentage of Female, Special Assistants, 28%
Percentage of Female, Central Bank Governors, 0%
Percentage of Female, Chief Executive Officer,
13%
Percentage of Female, Director
General, 10%
Percentage of Female, Executive
Secretary, 22%
Male
Percentage of Male Female
Percentage of Female
177 Recommendations
Firstly, the National Assembly and the 36 State Assemblies should embark on an aggressive push for the immediate amendment of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to allow for 30% representation of women in all political and elective positions in Nigeria. It should be extend to private organizations, whether local or foreign owned.
Secondly, addressing the gender bias against women that are inherent in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is key, such that all the sections of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria that state “He” should be replaced by “He or She”.
Thirdly, there is the need for a change in the nature of Nigerian electoral system from the First-Past-the-Post (FPTS) method to proportional representation which is more gender friendly, as it is more open to newcomers.
Moreover, criminalizing any action that violates the enforcement of the 30 percent representation in all employment opportunities especially where there are qualified women, should be punishable by imprisonment or fine, or both.
Furthermore, addressing the issue of the violent nature of Nigerian politics is fundamental to encouraging women's participation in politics. Therefore, we suggest that sponsors and perpetrators of political and electoral violence alike should be punished by imprisonment or fine, or both. This will act as deterrent to would be perpetrators.
In addition, women who desire to contest for any elective position in Nigeria should be given the interest or nomination form free of charge as a means of encouraging the womenfolk. This will among other things, encourage women who lack the financial capacity to buy the interest or nomination form which costs run into several millions of naira.
Lastly, education remains a bastion of hope in advancing the level of political awareness of women in Nigeria. We suggest the federal and state governments should provide free education to every girl-child in Nigeria, to at least secondary level.
References
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Beaman, L., Dufl, E., Pande, Y. & Topalova, P. (2006). Women politicians, gender bias and policy-making in rural India. Background Paper for the State of the World’s Children 2007. New York: UNICEF.
Blomgren, E. (2010). Women and political participation: A minor field study on hindrances for women’s political participation in Georgia Thesis in Political Science Linnaeus University, The School of Social Sciences
Chappell, L. and Waylen, G. (2013). Gender and the hidden life of institutions. Public Administration 91(3): 599-615.
Diaz, C. and Marin, I. (2013). Reparations in Colombia: Advancing the women’s rights agenda.
in Yarwood, L. (ed.) Women and Transitional Justice: The experience of women as participants. Abingdon: Routledge.
Domingo, P., Holmes, R., O’Neil, T., Jones, N., Bird, K., Larson, A., Presler-Marshall, E. &
Valters, C. (2015) ‘Women’s voice and leadership in decision-making: Assessing the evidence’. London: ODI.