THE BRAHMI LIPI
C. Cursive - in which letters belonging initially to one of the two classes, are distorted or
pinched according to the exigencies of a cursive writing style.
Buhler, as has been said, describes the Kharesthi
as a pen script. "The Kharo^hi alphabet is not a Pandits*, but a clerk's alphabet." ^ He does not Identify the
Brahmi Lipi as a clerk's script. H*s use of the term purely angular letters suggested that he thought that the
(1) The Origin of the KharoathI A l p h a b e t . Page 97.
Asokan scripts were largely developed as stone cutter's scripts. (On the origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet p.37). This does not seem possible, although, as has been pointed out, no references to writing occur in
early Sanskrit literature, but terms do exist:-Varna Akahara Vlrama
(For details see "Evidences of the use of writing before Asoka")
It would seem that the existence of pen writing in ink must be inferred as lying behind the Asokan stone cut scripts. It is most important to determine how common pen writing was, and when it became general. Certain letters of Buhler's archaic type are found to develop
towards what may be called cursive. That is to say these letters cease to be written with rigid vertical and
horizontal components. For
instance:-A
BU C (See Plate 1, Line 4) Line iy)
H H ( * " Lin® 14 )
In column (A) letters are written with straight and hori
zontal strokes. In column (B) letters are written in cursive style. This is not a rare phenomenon; we see it in the scripts of the Asokan inscriptions, no less than in almost every other script. I have discussed in great
detail this aspect of the question fully documented, with reference to my palaeographical tables.
It may be suggested that this development is due to the speed necessary to pen writing and demonstrated a change from the stone cutter's to line cursive forms.
A second group of letters developed in the uncials-
( ~ j ^See Plate VII, Plate IX). This
process constitutes a change towards the uncial and must also be attributed to the influence of pen work; but it must be pointed out that already in the Asokan inscriptions there are letters with fully developed uncial forma.
Buhler called the Bharhut and Karle scripts Mauryan.
and it Is true that the Brahmi Lipi at Sanchi shows no marked advance upon the Asokan scripts. Here it must be pointed out that the dates formerly ascribed to Bharhut and Sanchi on the evidence of architecture and sculpture are once more under debate, for it is becoming clear that work continued at each site for a long period. It is probably that the sculptured railing of Stupa at Sanchi
(See Plate I)
£ (See Plate I)
H< " " I D
z)(
' " I V ) 2 > < " ■ v)<j*\(
" "IX)
is the earliest at either site and that the Eastern and Western Gateways at Sanchi are not earlier than the middle of the 1st century A.D. However, the validity of Buhler'a observation stands, in so far as It is plain that the Brahmi Lipi did not undergo anjt marked change at Bharhut and Sanchi as a whole.
One other piece of evidence is available. On the Mahamogalana and Sariputra casket, until recently in the Victoria and Albert Museum, but now returned to India and deposited once again at Sanchi, the names of the two great teachers are inscribed on the lid of the casket while inside the cover they are written in ink. This is the sole
available instance of material for comparing the stone cutter's script with an ink script. The SA In these two ink-written words shows its earliest uncial development.
It should be noted here, that Sir John Marshall in the course of the restoration of the monuments at Sanchi, blamed General P.O. Malsey and Sir Alexander Cunningham in no Tin-
certain terms, for Irreparable damage done to these unrivalled Buddhist monuments, particularly the destruction of the in
ternal structure of the stupas. The greatest historical significance attaches to the fact that these caskets were inscribed or written In ink. Thus there is indisputable
epigraphical evidence in settling the chronology of the stupas.
Since Cunningham published his eye-copies of these inscriptions, Fleet, Pargitu and Luders noted philological and linguistic aspects of certain words. Sir John
Marshall in his monumental work Included some of these short inscriptions with photographic plates. Apart from this I do not know of anyone who has edited this remarkable
series of inscriptions with original photographic plates.
However, the caskets which Cunningham describes in his Bhllsa Topes are in the British and South KAnslngton Museums. These consist of rock crystal, steatite,
mottled steatite, gra ite and simple earthen wares. The crystal caskets are labelled by an inscribed piece of stone indicating the name of the Buddhist saint, whose relics are enclosed inside. I have photographed the inscriptions and have drawn up the attached palaeographical table. The scripts of those caskets bear a general similarity to the Asokan scripts and particularly to that of the Girnar in
scriptions and to the cave inscriptions of Ceylon. The highly developed cursive nature of the scripts might be held to presuppose a date before Asoka engraved his edicts on rocks and pillars. This, of course, introduces serious chronological Issues regarding the relative age of the
Stupas at Bhllsa. Sir Alexander Cunningham, who published an eye copy series of these short inscriptions, made no systematic observations as to their palaeographical
import-ance. On one occasion, referring to the inscription of
Upahltakasa. he said "It scarcely is possible to determine the age of the Tope except conjecturally. The forms of the
alphabetical characters in the two inscriptions show that its date cannot be much later than the end of the third century before our era; while the lowness of the plinth on which the dome stands shows that it was most probably erected
in the beginning of Asoka*a reign. The date may therefore be stated approximately as the latter half of the third
century before the Christian era".
Here, Cunningham*s comments on the forms of early stupas must be discounted. He assumed that the earliest
i8
stupas had no plinth, this/by no means clear and the palaeographical evidence must therefore stand or fall by itself. It must be noted that these inscriptions on steatite caskets are graffite, that is to say they are scratched in. They show a marked nearness of hand aid are inscribed from left to right and are evidently written quickly. The inscriptions are far more natural and have definite uncial qualities. The sculpturer of Stupa No.II which are universally admitted to be earliest at Sanchi.
There is no real reqson why the sculpturer of Stupa No.II should be put earlier than the "nd Century B.C., but it is now very generally felt that the Gateways of Stupa No.I
at e later than Marshall thought, that is pre-Kushan.
Little more can be said with regard to observation of these graffite Inscriptions of these caskets which correspond to the Girnar scripts o f Asokan inscriptions and the early cave in
scriptions of Ceylon.
I. Unpublished Relic Casket inscriptions II. Girnar (Asokan)
III. Ceylon (Early Cave)
(See Plates I and II, Plates 1 and 2 )
Reference to ray analysis of the scripts of the inscriptions at the Karle and Nasik of the second century A.D. shows cursive and uncial elements similar to those in the hahamogalana and Sarlputra ink records, but by this time a considerable develop
ment appears•
Ca t s
puut
(Bhilsa ropes Plate 25)
(£■9. Voi xU B /f. (o) ■ f 9 M & l / f ■ * 4)
(S.W•Vol.Vlil/ (E*J iVel^VIl/?*44) pige 60)
Gotamipubsa - Satakarnl.
The inscription of Rudradaman is fully dated, and offers the best basis for comparative study. This shows that be
tween the 1st century A.D. and the 2nd century A.D. the Lipi was a fully developed pen-lip 1 before Asoka1 craftsman engraved it on the rocks and on pillars. The Brahmi Lipi which may already have developsd cursive and uncial forms as
* pen-13.pl often reverted to old angular forms when it was
required to be engraved on atone. Since Asoka, there is ample evidence of the existence of two forms of scripts, stone cutter*i script and pen script: the stone cutter’s script survived until the 7th century A.D. in Ceylon.
Ceylon 490 A.D. - 703 A.D. Z \ ^ ^ g j
Princep on obvious grounds named the script in which Asoka engraved his edicts the Lat Alphabet (pillar alphabet'..
This provisional name was rejected when the rock edicts were discovered. Taylor called it Maurya or Magadhl.
was
Max Muller called it Missionary Alphabet. Senart called it the Indian Alphabet and Cunningham the Indo-Pali. Burnell and Monier Williams called it the Standard Alphabet and
sometimes with reference to Kharosthi (which was known as Horth Asokan) it was called South-Asokan. Finally, Buhler, while accepting the Brahmanic viewpoint,called it the Brahmi Llpj.^ )
(1) Alphabet - Taylor Vol. II, 299.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE SINHALESE ALPHABET PROM DEVlHAlPIYA TISSA TO MAHA CULI MAHA TISSA.
247 B.C. - 5 B.C.
And
THE MAIN DIVISIONS OF ASOKAK INSCRIPTIONS.
The feature of the inscriptions of Asoka is the way in which they were distributed throughout his empire, so that there was in each province at least one version of his edicts* The distribution fundamentally agrees with the geographical, political and linguistic divisions of the Indian sub-continent even to the present day.
Buhler on palaeographical grounds divided these
epigraphic records into two main divisions, viz. Northern and Southern. He accepted the river Narmada as the geo
graphical line of demarcation of these two broad divisions.
This river is also the geographical boundary between Xryavarta and Dakginapata, and in subsequent periods of Indian history it witnessed many battles between the
rulers of the North and South. Perhaps the most notable of them all was the struggle between Harsavardhana and
Pularesin II, in which the ruler of the North ♦UttarRpathk) was completely defeated on the banks of the river Narmada.
Buhler s a y s ^ "And it Is significant that the local
(1 1) On the Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet. Page 36.
differences observable permit us to speak of a Northern and Southern variety of the ordinary Brahma alphabet*
between which, as in later times, roughly reckoning,the River Narmada marks the boundary line." The two distinct varieties of the Asokan alphabet
are:-(a) The Northern - found in the inscriptions of Kalsi, the pillar inscriptions at
Allahabad, Radhia Mathla, Nigliva, Pederia and Rampurava, the minor rock inscriptions at Bairat, Sahasram, and the Inscriptions of the Barabar caves and the inscriptions of the Sanchi and Sarnath pillars.
(b) The Southern - found in the rock inscriptions at Girnar, Dhanli and Jangada, and the minor rock inscription at Siddhapur.
Buhler observed the very great divergencies in the formation of several letters of the Northern variety.
The scripts are not quite homogenous throughout. He found it became necessary to regroup the Northern variety of the scripts into several local types on palaeographical grounds. It must be recognised that since he published his work several new inscriptions have been discovered;
nevertheless, his scheme of main divisions and local groups still serves as an approach to the study of the palae
ography of the Asokan inscriptions.
Buhler goes on to distinguish three different sub
divisions of the northern Maurya alphabet, classed accord
ing to their geographical distribution; for practical purposes these may be stated as
follows:-(*) The North-Eastern - found in the Allahabad, Radhia, Mattia, Nigliva, Rummindei, Paderia, and Sarnath pillar inscriptions.
(b) The North-Central - found in the rock inscriptions at Balrat and Sahasram, the pillar Inscriptions at Sanchi and Delhi and Barabar cave inscription.
(o) The North-Western - represented by the scripts of Kalsi rock inscriptions.
The scripts of the early cave inscriptions of Ceylon have a remarkable affinity with the Asokan scripts,
particularly with the Southern type, more particularly with the Girnar inscriptions. Further, the cave inscriptions of Ceylon so very much resemble those of Southern India, that to judge from the contents and the general appearance of the scripts they could easily be mistaken for eave
inscriptions of Dambulla, Vessaglriya and Mlhintale. These cave inscriptions both in Ceylon and I n d i a ^ are generally
(1) Government of Madras-Epraghy Recording the Progress Report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy,Southern Circle for the year 1911-12.
page. 57.
devoid of the historical information so that palaeography la the only means of establishing the age of the record;
and in view of the lack of development in the scripts of the cave inscriptions, the methods of palaeography are not able to furnish certain chronology. Finally neither
history nor palaeography can provide any clear chronological lines of demarcation between the different periods. I
have therefore adopted as a basis for my chronology the broad divisions adopted in my palaeographical charts.
However, as stated earlier, these divisions of mine,
essentially agree with Codrington*s main political division*
of Ceylon*s history.
I. The Beginnings and the Conversion to Buddhism.
II. Duttha Gamani to Kassapa of Sigiriya - Third Century B.C. - Sixth Century A.D.
III. The mediaeval kingdom to the Choi a conquest in the eleventh century.
IV. The Rionnaruva Kings 1070 - 1215.
V. The Dambadeniya and Gambola Kings 1215 - 1412.
VI. The Kotte Dynasty and Its Portuguese Allies, 1412 - 1551.
VII. The Ascendancy of Sitawaka and of Portugal, 1551 - 1635.
VIII. The Decline of the Portuguese Power 1635 - 1656.
IX. The Dutch occupation, 1666 - 1796.
X. The British Administration, 1796 - 1805
(1) A Short History of Ceylon - Pages vil - viii
A. This letter is represented by two distinct types
(a) a vertical stroke with two short bars known as angular fora / I (b) a vertical stroke with two curved elements, which Buhler ^ c a l l s the cursive form fc) • Apart
from these two chief forms, the Asokan inscriptions actually present a very wide range of variant forms* The general tendency of his Northern scripts is predominantly towards the owslve,whilst that of the Southern,to the angular*
But it is not rare to find these two divergent types in one and the same inscription* (See Plate I* Nos* V and VI) 1 find that in the Sinhalese Inscriptions provided with a completely different type not found in the Asokan edicts
(See Plate 1, Nos. VI - VIII) though it is found in the South Indian cave inscriptions* (2)
A* The long I is formed by adding a short h o r i ® n t a l bar to the top end of the vertical stroke of the short A thus or to the middle of it • The former is exclusive to the Qirnar Inscription, the latter to other Asokan inscriptions. In addition to this variation, minor
local differences are observable* (See Plate III, Mg. Ill, Plate VII, No. IV) The long X is absent in the Sinhalese
TT) On the brlgln of the Indian 3rahma Alphabet, pp.36,87*
(2) Government of Madras - Epigraphy Recording the Progress TTeport of the Assistant Aren- eolor.lcal Superintendent
Epigraphy, Southern Circle for the year 1911-12.
Inscriptions at this period.
I. This letter is represented by three dots • The layout of these three dots even in a single inscription is not identical (See Plates). In the Sinhalese inscrip
tions I is represented by a vertical stroke with a dot on either side of it ^
U. This letter is represented by a vertical stroke and
a
short bar forming a right angle,L
• U in the Sinhalese inscriptions is virtually the same as in the Asokan tdicts. (See Plates)
E. This letter is represented by a triangle /\
and does not show signs of any tendency towards the evolution of a cursive form. In the Sinhalese inscriptions E has the form of an Isosceles triangle. (2 )
0. This letter is represented by a vertical stroke and two short bars “1 forming a right angle at each end. In
(3) the Sinhalese inscriptions 0 is markedly more cursive
(1) Vol. VII / P. 60.
(2) U.C.R. Vol. VII / P. 60.
(3) U.C.R. Vol. VII / P. 60.
KA. This letter Is generally represented by a long
vertical stroke and a short horizontal stroke or by t w o lines of equal length + (See Plate I., No. I., Plate III, N 0 .II) In the Sinhalese inscriptions KA is found in both these forms
(See Plate I).
KHA. This letter is generally represented by two types
( a ) a form ending in a thick dot p very much like a sign
of interrogation, (b) a form in which a complete circle
replaces the dot ^ • However, in some A?okan Inscriptions both these types are used (See Plate V., Nos. I - VIII).
In the Sinhalese inscriptions, KHA is more cursive and loses both dot and circle, g aining a further loop at the top • The latter obviously lends Itself to cursive d e v e l o p m e n t . ^
OA. This letter is represented by two bars and shows no signs of taking a cursive form in the Asokan inscriptions.
In the Sinhalese inscriptions it however shows an advanced form which is markedly cursive (See Plate I).
*• ■ + •
U H A . This letter is represented by a strong well-controlled curve, and a straight bar • Without displaying any . noticeable local variations, this type is found in all the Asokan edicts. In the Sinhalese inscriptions this letter
(1) U.C.R. Vol. VII / P . 60.
shows rather an angular form, ( D
CA This letter is generally represented by a vertical strike with a semi-circle to the left of the stroke (J • I find that there are, however, some unusual forms as well
(see plate I, Nos. IV aid V, plate I, Nos. II aid VI). This letter CA in the Sinhalese inscriptions is Identical with that of the Asokan edicts.
CHA This letter is represented by a vertical stroke aovsing a oircle . This type is uniform in all the Asokan
inscriptions. In the Sinhalese inscriptions CHA shows a rather developed v a r i a t i o n . ^
JA This letter is generally represented by two semi-circles opening towards the right £ . This character, while
retaining its basic form, tends to proliferate into a number of varieties (rarely observable in the case of other letters).
These types are too frequent to be called unusual forms (see Plate I, Nos. VI and VIII, Plate V. Nos. Ill and IX, Plate IX, Nos. Ill, VII, IX and X). This letter, in the
Sinhalese Inscriptions bears a close resemblance to the Glrnar Asokan inscriptions.
(1) U.C.R. Vol. VII/P. 60 (2) U.C.R. Vol. VII/P. 60
JHA This letter is represented by a vertical stroke and two bars almost at right angles • It has a somewhat archaic look and it is interesting that the same form is used in all the versions of the Asokan edicts.
JHA in the Sinhalese inscriptions is identical in appearance with the JHA of the Asokan edicts.
TA This letter is represented by a semi-circle opening to the right . TA in the Sinhalese inscriptions is identical with the TA in the Asokan edicts.
THA This letter is represented by a circle
O
• THAin the Sinhalese inscriptions is Identical with the THA in the Asokan e d i c t s . ^
DA This letter is represented by a horizontal bar with two vertical bars J • DA in the Sinhalese inscriptions is identical with the DA in the Asokan edicts.
DHA This letter is generally represented by a semi-circle,
e
on© end of It forming a spiral curve with a short vertical bar at the top end ^ • Some unusual types do, however, occur (see plate I, No. VI, plate-III, No. VIII, plate IX Nos. II and VI). ^HA is not found in the Sinhalese inscrip
tions at this period.
(1) U.C.R. Vol. VII/P. 60
NA This letter is represented by two parallel short bars Joined at the centre by a vertical bar Z L . • It is found in the Girnar version of the Asokan edicts, but is absent in the Northern Inscriptions. In the Girnar inscriptions, it presents a uniform type, and in the Sinhalese Inscriptions,
is very widely distributed and identical with the Girnar gA.
James Princep, seeing the similarity of this letter in the Girnar inscriptions and in the Sinhalese inscriptions, was
James Princep, seeing the similarity of this letter in the Girnar inscriptions and in the Sinhalese inscriptions, was