The majority of secondary sources for the literature review were found on the internet, specifically on websites dedicated to community development, CSR, corporate citizenship, FDI, and sustainable mining development. Some key web- sites include the Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development (MMSD) pro- ject sponsored by the Institute for Environment and Development, AngloGold Ashanti and Barrick Gold Corporation. Also literature from the Ministry of Min- erals and Energy, the Tanzania Chamber of Minerals and Energy, the University of Dar es Salaam, NBS, ESRF, REPOA, IRDP and the Parliament of Tanzania (BUNGE) was used. Tanzania’s mining legislation was downloaded from the website of the Government of Tanzania.
Primary sources
Primary data was gathered through 322 semi-structured individual interviews and 10 focus group discussions. For each mining area, five focus group discussions were held, with six participants per group (in total 60 respondents). The respon- dents included representatives of the mining community, district officials, NGO representatives, ward executive officers, village executive officers and villagers.
Interviews
The semi-structured interviews – the primary data collection tool in my research – were based on a set of core questions, but allowed for some deviation from these questions in order to explore relevant sub-topics that emerged during the interview process. This approach allowed for efficient collection of qualitative data. The benefit of semi-structured interviews is that, in addition to a formal questionnaire, additional questions are derived during the interview from a series of core guiding questions (Table 3.4). Furthermore, semi-structured interviews enable the collection of identical bits of data and thus triangulation of data.
The question order proved to be very important for obtaining quality re- sponses. Generally, the interview started with a general introduction of the per- son’s background, including such details as profession and region of origin. Within the communities and the representatives of the mining corporations, the vast majority of respondents were very accommodating and provided carefully thought-out answers (except for select cases at Ilogi, Bugarama and Igwama- noni). Often, difficult topics – related to the effects of gold mining on the liveli- hoods of local communities – were introduced by the respondent themselves, in- dicating that it is an important subject that weighs on their minds.
However, several respondents employed in the mining companies and minis- tries were not so co-operative, refusing to meet face-to-face. On two occasions I
was asked to leave a written copy of the questions. The responses to the ques- tions were poor, either left incomplete or entirely blank. On another occasion, I was given a copy of the 1998 mining legislation and instructed that I could find all answers to my research within. Fortunately, these were only a few isolated instances, and I was able to conduct interviews with other respondents in similar positions to compensate.
Key informants
According to Valadez & Bamberger (1994: 81), “[A] key informant is an indi- vidual who, as a result of his or her education, experience, or physical or social position in a community, has access to information about the functioning of soci- ety, the habits of its people, or their problems and requirements”. Also in my re- search, key informants – teachers, village executive officers and former small- scale miners – were an essential element of the research process. As active mem- bers of the community, they could provide information on issues of concern to the Sukuma, including the impact of large-scale mining on their neighbourhoods. In the beginning phase of the research process, the contribution of other key in- formants from the district authorities in Kahama and Geita district headquarters helped me set the cornerstone for the thesis.
Case studies
Recording individual experiences of older members of the community was cen- tral to my analysis of the influence of large-scale gold mining on rural livelihood of LVGB residents. I intended to locate persons who were small-scale miners prior to the recent reforms as well as other community leaders who were in- volved in community relations with mining companies. Initially, I expected to interview older respondents; however, through the course of the research I dis- covered that most respondents (and therefore most adults) had some experience in mining activities. These case studies enabled me to ascertain the dynamics of large-scale mining and how communities were affected by this new environment. By selecting the case study approach, I could uncover the history, everyday activities and relationships between different actors in mining neighbourhoods. I employed different interview techniques and analyses to construct the cases. Smith (1997) has argued that analysis of interviews should focus not only on mo- tivations and reasons, but also social identities and how these are constructed within the social settings in which people live and work. Case studies of aspects of everyday life reveal social dynamics and the complexity of ongoing social processes. They highlight how everyday life is patterned by social relationships and the networks to which people belong (Vijfhuizen 1998). According to Yin (1989), case studies are generally a preferred strategy for ‘how’ and ‘why’ ques-
tions, when the researcher has little control over events, and when the focus is on contemporary phenomena within a real-life dynamic context, which are con- stantly changing – even while conducting the research. Techniques used in case studies include gathering of life histories (biographical and oral history inter- views), such as analysis of crucial life experiences (Plummer 1997), as well as analysis of social networks (Mitchell 1969). Also, focus is placed on how net- works (especially in the web of kinship) evolved over time and how different households, state agencies and relationships interlock.
The approach of this study focuses on changing lifestyles (which is part and parcel of reforms in the mining sector) and how they affected livelihoods in GGML and BGML neighbourhoods. I also sought to establish close daily contact with people from these neighbourhoods, in order to have a better context for the data gathered from interviews (Spradley 1997). The thesis also focuses on taking account of events associated with large-scale mining development and the typical daily realities in mining neighbourhoods, which was accomplished through the in-depth interview approach (as described by Bolding [2005]).
Focus group discussions (FGDs)
I organised several focus group discussion sessions with a variety of stake- holders: youth from Bugarama village, former small-scale miners, local business persons, individuals involved in community politics and management as well as employees of large-scale mining companies. Gathering participants for focus groups was easier than I originally anticipated. In Kakola village, it was a matter of sitting down with the businessmen for evening coffee. Six men formed the discussion group, but others who were listening from a distance also contributed their views from time to time providing a valuable contribution (their interrup- tions sometimes clarified a point that was exaggerated or underemphasised). I met with youth in Bugarama village at the local shop where they often gather. After a few minutes, several young persons agreed to participate in the group dis- cussion, and over 40 other youths listened in. When visiting Ilogi and Igwama- noni villages, group discussions included members of the community that had raised various community issues in the village chairman’s office. This included village leaders, farmers, mine employees, former small-scale miners, and mama lishe (women food vendors).
At first, I was apprehensive about the venue – the village chairman’s office – for the focus group discussions, but in both cases I found that the respondents felt comfortable expressing their opinions on sensitive subjects. (This can be ex- plained by the fact that the village chairman acts more as elected facilitator than as an authority figure.) The same strategy was used in GGML, arranging meet-
ings and discussions in coffee places, local pubs and village offices at Nyakabale, Nyankumbu, Ihayabuyaga and Nyamalembo.
Field experiences
Prior to my departure in the field I anticipated several limitations that potentially could hamper my research effort: the language barrier (I do not speak Sukuma),
obstacles inherent to being an outsider, the minimal budget, transport difficulties and the reluctance of representatives of the mining industry to meet with me. For the most part, the above concerns were overcome or proved unfounded. The lan- guage barrier did not prove to be a major obstacle. Having lived in Sukumaland (Mwadui Mine Shinyanga) during my primary schooling, I had prior knowledge and experience with the community, which made it easier to communicate ideas in a simplified manner. However, it was my hosts (former IRDP students work- ing in Geita and Kahama district councils) that proved to be invaluable in facili- tating communication. They acted as Sukuma language and cultural interpreters during interviews and assisted me in finding transport and accommodation. With regards to overcoming the obstacle of being an outsider, my assistants introduced me to the local government authorities, who in turn introduced me to the com- munity members and helped organise meetings.
Means of transport included public minivans, hired motorcycles and local dala dala bicycle transport. Arriving on bicycle proved quite amusing to local resi- dents and served as icebreaker upon arrival. Staying in local guesthouses also proved useful as it allowed me to stay among the communities and engage in in- formal discussions at the nearest pubs and evening coffees in the village centres. Mining and government officials were reluctant to meet because during the fieldwork period (from October 2007 to January 2008) mining was a hot topic in the public domain and in parliament. This was due to the signing of a new con- tract for the Buzwagi mining project in London by the Minister of Mining and Energy. This was contrary to the promise given by the ruling party’s presidential candidate during the 2005 electoral campaign that no additional mining contracts would be signed until existing mining legislation was reviewed, in order to assure win-win solutions. Thus, the mining agenda was dominated by critics of the gov- ernment, including opposition members of parliaments. I was in a difficult situa- tion and I even thought of changing my research subject: every official I ap- proached for my study seemed to shy away. I decided to remedy my approach by starting to work with the community instead of officials and mining company representatives, until the discussion calmed down. This strategy worked well, and by late January 2008 it was easier to approach the same people who ignored me during my first visit for fear that my study was politically motivated.
The quantitative data was analysed using the programme Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) (Griffith et al. 1998), to generate the descriptive analysis of the situation of households. This data was supplemented with content analysis of information gathered through focus group discussions, key informant inter- views, press clipping, desk reviews and observations. The descriptive analysis was explicitly developed in the context of applied research with the aim of pre- senting specific information needs and to highlight outcomes and offer recom- mendations (Lacey & Luff 2001). On the other hand, the qualitative data analysis provided clear and systematic responses by respondents on key concepts. It also helped identify the stages when a particular result was obtained from the data, which allowed me both to analyse the concept under scrutiny and to examine the new ones that emerged in the course of the research.