Defining Types

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5.1.1. Defining Types

“The history of architectural and urban culture is seen as the history of types: Types of settlements, types of spaces (public and private), types of buildings, types of construction” (Krier, 1978, p.41). In other words, the built environment is understood as a result of a typification/typological classification process of its mutual spatial characteristics. Simply put, the typological classification is about transforming the experience into “some sort of code” that is written within types that will guide the formation of the future spatial elements of the city (Djokic, 2009, p.109; Tice, 1993, p.162). Types, therefore, are defined as the possession of a certain set of features observed in architectural and urban elements of space at a particular scale. The typological investigation is not only limited to an individual type but also the interaction between types, since the spatial formation of the built environment can be explained based on the relations among them (Djokic, 2009; Krier, 1978). Given this, type in this study refers to a set of certain features observed in architectural and urban elements at a particular scale, and the origin that can be transformed over time to create new forms under different factors at a given location. “Any classification [however] should not be taken too rigidly, but should rather be observed as a process which continually develops and changes” (Djokic, 2009, p.126). This will then help to construct the base to define the typological process in the given context.

In typo-morphological studies, the concept of typological zoning is the starting point of the typological classification (Kropf, 1998) because space configurations represent the structured relations between the elements of physical form into which the life experiences are translated. Therefore, typological studies are mainly concerned with the layouts as the primary determinants of form (Tice, 1993) and the built environment is analysed as a spatial unity through its spatial configuration and the mutual relationships between its typological and morphological elements (Djokic, 2009; Kropf, 2014). Peponis (1997, p.34.1) also indicates that spatial configuration is the “underlying structure of potential movements” and it is explained through the “built shape”. The way that the elements of built shape come together creates different patterns in their spatial configurations. In addition, urban tissue, which is fundamental in typo-morphological studies (Kropf, 1998), is analysed at different degrees of resolution (streets, blocks,

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collective places such as entrance halls, living room/space and circulation areas such as corridors and staircases. In this study, the major functional spaces of the house layouts are investigated in four categories: the entrance hall (E), the living area (L), circulation (C) such as corridors and staircases, and the intimacy areas (I) such as bedrooms and bathrooms. This functional zoning is then discussed according to public-private area relations and the patterns of day-night usage of the layouts.

Typo-morphological analysis of the house plans also employs a limited number of concepts from space syntax theory, which will be explained in detail below. All the characteristics of building plans that are examined in this study through space syntax are actually incorporated into typo-morphology. However, the presentations in space syntax are clearer.

Space syntax is a well-acknowledged configurational approach to urban morphology that experimentally reveals the social and cultural meaning of an architectural space by the analytical representation of the geometry of that space (Kropf, 2009; Peponis, 1997;

Hillier et al., 1987; Jiang et al., 2000; Ferdous, 2012), which is also the concern of typo-morphology. Space syntax is a popular spatial analysis method that has become increasingly well integrated with other approaches (Hillier, 2007), and recently it has become a useful analysis tool in typo-morphological studies (e.g. Serra et al., 2013;

Nophaket & Fuiji, 2004; Berhauser Pont & Haupt, 2005). It looks at the physical space similarly to the ways that typo-morphological studies do. It also similarly investigates the link between human behaviour and physical space on a configurational basis and focuses on the social aspect of its formation process (Bafna, 2003). Moreover, space syntax theory can be applied from the smallest spatial structural space within a building to the urban space (Marshall, 2005). However, space syntax expands its analysis in space rather than in time and explains how the individual elements of the built environment are aggregated together to create neighbourhoods and cities, while urban morphology looks at the development processes of these individual elements over time, (Berghauser Pont & Marcus, 2015). Additionally, the theoretical basis of the space syntax is established depending on how space facilitates the movement (Kropf, 2009). Moreover, the logic behind the space syntax is the topological relations between the spaces within the same system of setting. It is claimed that the theory looks at the topological relations

95

to eliminate the geometrical differences, which are “sociologically irrelevant” (Bafna, 2003, p.19). However, the geometrical differences are often important in typo-morphology, which are essential to make the cases comparable through their spatial characteristics. As Bafna (2003, p.19) states, space syntax approach provides “a broader typological category” which enable the categorisation of distinct places. For the above reasons, space syntax can be useful in assisting typo-morphological analysis but cannot replace it.

The reason for using space syntax at the building scale is therefore for the visual representation of the plan configurations of the functional layouts. The visual representation involves the justified permeability graphs (j-graphs) showing topological relationships between different functional areas and VGA (Visibility Graph Analysis) showing the integration and connectivity within the layout. In addition, convex maps are created in Depthmap software to compute mean depth, integration and connectivity values of each case. The following will explain these space syntax-related concepts.

• Justified Permeability Graphs (j-graphs)

Justified permeability graph analysis is “the primary form of space syntax analysis”

providing a structural diagram that maps the interior layout from the external entry point (Dovey, 1999, p.21). The produced diagram only represents the configurational relations between spaces, not the actual layout, and shows the number of steps through which the whole layout is accessible and the depth of each room from the location chosen as a carrier point. Figure 5.4 shows how the space configurations are translated into j-graphs. The representation reveals some topological characteristics (e.g. depth and linearity) of space, which are examined through the appearance of the graphs, such as linear structure, connected structure, fan structure and so on (Dovey, 1999).

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• Connectivity (C)

The number of spaces that are accessible from a space gives the connectivity value of the original space. If a space is linked to many other spaces, it shows large connectivity.

However, if the space has small connectivity, it means it is independent (Tatsuya &

Mayuko, 2014). In this study, the measure of connectivity is recorded for each function area in the layout. The whole system connectivity is also calculated through the mean connectivity of the individual functional areas in the layout.

Overall, the building scale analysis is carried out mainly through space syntax-related concepts and values. However, the above-mentioned values are relevant to the intended typo-morphological analysis at the building scale. Initially, justified permeability graphs provide the basis for the configurational classifications of the chosen house layouts. VGA analysis gives clues regarding visual control over the layout.

Convex mapping is just a procedure for the calculation of the values of depth, integration and connectivity. The comparisons of these values through the cases indicate the trends regarding how the most connected, integrated, deep, and controlled areas of the house layouts have changed over time.

b. Street Scale

The street, as a public space, is an important component of urban form and helps to establish a community’s SoP. Barrie et al. (2010, p.3) also emphasise the importance of streets by defining them as “places before movement”. The way that a street’s spatial components (such as its buildings, walkways, scale, shape and proportions, access points and patterns, and the hierarchy between public and private spaces) are designed can significantly affect how people experience the environment when walking down the street. It is therefore often believed that, where liveable street principles are applied and good street design is valued, the streets can contribute to its inhabitants having better QoL and help them achieve better SoP (Biddulph, 2012; Barrie et al., 2010). Given this, in this study, the street scale analysis does not intend to define the street type itself, since “the street does not exist without the buildings that define it” (Panerei et al., 2004, p.158). It rather looks at how spatial characteristics of house form along a residential street are coordinated. In that sense, the analysis defines the hierarchical relations

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Neighbourhood is both a social and territorial concept (Coulton et al., 2013). It can be defined socially by its users based on their perception or geographically according to the legal responsibilities of the relevant governmental departments. Having a sense of living in a neighbourhood depends on feeling a part of the community living in that neighbourhood. Therefore, even if the residents live in the same geographical neighbourhood, their perception of the neighbourhood might be different (Coulton et al., 2001). In that sense, neighbourhoods are not the areas that are fixed and constant in their boundaries. They involve not only physical but also social and psychological processes. This study focuses on the social definition, namely perceived neighbourhood, rather than the physical areas, the boundaries of which are designated at the governmental level. The scale of a neighbourhood is limited to the dwellings’ immediate surroundings, where the localised social interaction is structured amongst the residents of a group of houses or a housing development.

Conzen’s (1960) plan unit analysis involves the study of three elements: streets and their arrangement in a street system; plots and their aggregation in street blocks; and buildings and their block plans. The areas named as neighbourhoods in this study are urban blocks or plots, which are defined within Conzen’s (1960, p.5) town-plan analysis as the areas partly or wholly surrounded but not occupied by street lines. Depending on the chosen housing typology, they are either neighbourhoods consisting of a series of plots contiguously placed along a same street line or single land parcels where a group of buildings are arranged with unclear plot boundaries. In this extent, the largest-scale spatial analysis in this study is at the Conzen’s street-block/plot scale. The analysis of the street block or the plot patterns independently from the town-plan analysis, which also involves places at larger scales, refers to plot-pattern analysis or block-plan analysis of the buildings in the neighbourhoods (Conzen, 1960). The latter is loosely referred to as building in town-plan analysis; however, the block plan of a building is defined by the building’s footprint on the ground (Conzen, 1960). In a general sense, the neighbourhood in this study is an urban tissue defined through the arrangements of streets and plot series and the building arrangements within the chosen street blocks, and its different types are identified according to their position, outline and arrangement (see Kropf 1998) (Figure 5.12).

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Table 5.1 Factors affecting perceived density at the neighbourhood scale (adapted from the review of Rapoport, 1975; Cheng, 2010; Zacharias & Stamps, 2004; Bonnes et al., 1991; Bergdoll & Williams, 1990; Cooper-Marcus & Sarkissian, 1988; Flachsbart, 1979; Robinson et al., 1975; Forsyth, 2003)

SPATIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF BUILT FORM AFFECTING PERCEIVED DENSITY

Building height Balance between built-up and vacant spaces

Building height to space ratio Block length

Spacing between buildings The number of street intersections

Space complexity The number of buildings

Size of the buildings The extent of building coverage

Variety in building façade Building type/typology Visual access to open and green space Visual complexity

Street width Building articulation

Although there is an ambiguity regarding the measurement of density across the studies, land coverage, building height and spaciousness are amongst the most common measures defining the density of urban form (Berghauser Pont & Haupt, 2009). Land coverage expresses the relationship between built and un-built areas and it is generally visually represented by figure-ground maps (Berghauser Pont & Haupt, 2009). The land coverage in a housing development is measured by the following formula:

𝐿𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝐶𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑔𝑒 =𝐵𝑢𝑖𝑙𝑑𝑖𝑛𝑔/𝑠 𝐹𝑜𝑜𝑡𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑡 𝐴𝑟𝑒𝑎

𝑆𝑖𝑡𝑒 𝐴𝑟𝑒𝑎

where site area refers to the total lot area of the housing development (Forsyth, 2003;

Cheng, 2010). The inverse measure of the site coverage represents the open space ratio (Cheng, 2010, p.6), which allows the housing site to be evaluated in terms of “the amount of open space left on the [housing] site” (Forsyth, 2003, p.6). ‘Site’ in this research – depending on the differences in housing typology and their different formation at the neighbourhood level – might refer to a parcel/plot or a block. The calculation therefore can be performed according to either the area of one single dwelling located in a plot, the boundaries of which are known, or the total area of a group of housing buildings located in a block where the parcel boundaries of each building are not clear.

Land coverage alone, however, is not adequate to read the neighbourhood form since the amount of open space left over might vary depending on the heights of the buildings (Berghauser Pont & Haupt, 2009). For instance, low-, medium- and high-rise housing developments can be designed with the same population density, but different land coverage and open space design. Building height is an important factor affecting the

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115

previously introduced house types. Special attention is paid to whether the house types have followed a typological process or not and, if they have not, where this process has stopped and the mutation has occurred. Figure 5.19 above conceptually represents these changes.

Following this examination, this study identifies three types of transformation between the house types chosen as case studies: continuity, partial continuity and mutation. The relation between the cases is defined as continuity where all or most of the spatial characteristics continued in the following case. Partial continuity refers to the cases that have gone through partial changes but some characteristics have continued or partly continued. Where all or most of the spatial characteristics have mutated in the following case, the transformation is defined as a mutation.

In document An Empirical Investigation of the Interplay between Typo-Morphological Transformation of Historic House Form and Sense of Place (Page 117-141)