Differences in class of degree

The only statistical indicator of academic achievement available to analyse, other than gaining the qualification itself, is class of degree (nothing further is known about sub-degree qualifiers). This shows that, overall, minority ethnic degree graduates are less likely to gain a first or upper second class of degree than White graduates (Table 6.1). All minority ethnic groups, except the small mixed ethnic group and the Other group, have less than half gaining first or upper second class degree results. Black groups appear to be the least successful in class of degree, with only around a third gaining a first or upper second, compared with 60 per cent of White students and around 45 per cent of Indian and Chinese. The differences are apparent in each class.

This situation has not changed in the last few years (see similar data for 1999/2000 graduates in the Interim report, Table 5.3).

Table 6.1: Class of degree obtained by degree graduates at universities, England, full-time and part-time study, including OU, 2001/02

Ethnic group First class Upper second Lower second, undivided second Third or lower, unclassified Total (n) White 10.7 48.9 31.0 9.4 157,741

All minority ethnic 6.0 36.2 40.1 17.8 28,292

Black Caribbean 2.9 32.0 48.6 16.5 2,016 Black African 3.3 27.5 45.6 23.5 3,275 Black Other 4.7 34.2 43.2 17.9 1,092 Indian 6.6 38.5 38.7 16.2 8,837 Pakistani 4.5 34.5 41.9 19.0 3,813 Bangladeshi 3.7 35.6 42.2 18.5 1,183 Chinese 8.9 37.6 36.1 17.5 2,127 Asian Other 7.2 36.5 34.7 21.5 2,349 Mixed ethnic 9.4 47.0 35.5 8.1 330 Other 8.5 41.5 35.9 14.1 3,270

All (known ethnicity) 10.0 47.0 32.4 10.7 186,033

However, if only first class degrees are looked at, the achievement gap is smaller: Chinese and the ‘mixed ethnic’ groups are more likely than other minority ethnic groups to get a first class degree (nine per cent), much closer to the nearly 11 per cent for White students. Indians are also more likely to get a first (nearly seven per cent), compared to the six per cent average.

Overall, female students are more likely to achieve higher classes of degrees, and this also holds true for female minority ethnic students, but the ‘achievement’ gap for White/minority ethnic students appears wider among female than male graduates: 63 per cent of female White graduates compared to 44 per cent of female minority ethnic graduates achieved firsts or upper seconds, compared with 55 per cent and 40 per cent of White and minority ethnic male graduates respectively. The difference between the male and female sets of figures varies in size between minority ethnic groups, from around three percentage points for Indians to almost eight for Black African and the Asian Other group.

Overall, there are also differences in degree achievement of students by age, which need to be taken into account: younger students are more likely generally to get a higher class of degree. This holds true for both White and minority ethnic groups: 61 per cent of White students aged under 21 years on entry gained a first or upper second class degree, compared with 46 per cent of minority ethnic students, and these figures compare with 54 and 32 per cent respectively for the 21-29 year age group. As those with the lower achievement levels in Table 6.1 (ie the Black groups) have an older age profile, and conversely, the Asian groups, have a much younger age profile, then the different ages at entry to HE would seem to help explain some of the ethnic differences. It is also relevant when looking at achievement of first class degrees by younger students in particular ethnic groups, such as Indians and Chinese, who make up a higher proportion of first class graduates in the younger age group, than in all graduates.

Another relevant factor is prior education. The 2002 data on degree outcomes shows that those who entered with traditional qualifications — ie ‘A’ levels or Highers — were more likely to achieve a higher class of degree than those with other qualifications. The way this ‘lifts’ achievement is more pronounced for minority ethnic than White graduates, and especially the lower achieving Black groups (see Figure 6.2). This relates back to the different entry routes/ qualifications of different groups shown in Chapter 2.

Linked to all these factors are a number of other effects, including choice of subject and course type and institution. We have not been able to undertake analysis by subject and course, as numbers become too small in some subjects, but we have seen differences by university type. Overall, graduates from pre-92 universities are

more likely to gain a first or upper second (67 per cent do) than those at post-92 universities or other colleges of HE (around 50 per cent of graduates). In the pre-92 university total (where a much higher proportion of degree students are young and enter with traditional qualifications, but where minority ethnic groups have below average representation), 69 per cent of White compared to 52 per cent of minority ethnic graduates gained a first or upper second class of degree. But this varied from 44 per cent among Black African and Black Caribbean graduates to 54 and 55 per cent among Indians and Chinese and 61 per cent among the Other group. In the post-92 university group, the difference between White and minority ethnic achievement was 54 per cent and 35 per cent respectively (gaining first or upper seconds).

This analysis has shown, therefore, that much of the apparent relative under-achievement of minority ethnic, compared with White graduates, comes from indirect causes. Many arise from the differences between ethnic groups in their personal characteristics — by age, gender, subject and institutions, and especially, entry

Figure 6.2: Effect of entry qualifications on class of degree: percentage of degree graduates gaining first or upper second class, 2001/02

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% White Minority ethnic Black Caribbean. Black African. Black other Indian Pakistani Bangladeshi. Chinese Other Asian Mixed Other Total known

All 'A' level entry

qualifications. It has also shown that some ethnic sub-groups are performing considerably better than others. There are likely to be other explanations of the different degree performance, such as the extent of term-time working, financial and personal circumstances, commitment to their choice of courses and parental support and encouragement. As with the discussion earlier relating to entry to HE, these have multiple effects and interact with each other in different ways for different ethnic groups. It was not possible, within the remit of this study, to undertake more complex analysis on the data than that shown above (eg using multivariate techniques) and it may not be fruitful anyway to do so for some groups because of the small numbers once disaggregated in several dimensions. However, we do recommend that this is looked into further to establish more clearly the effect of ethnicity on achievement and identify which ethnic sub-groups of graduates are performing both or worse than expected.

As far as we are aware no work has been published of this nature, though HEFCE has undertaken some preliminary analysis of degree outcomes by broad ethnic groups (Asians, Black, White, Other). After allowing for age, subject mix, and entry qualifications, it was found that minority ethnic students still significantly under-performed compared to White students. Three possible explanations were put forward for this. Firstly, there could be an effect from other attributes of minority ethnic students (eg more likely to re-take ‘A’ levels); secondly, an effect from attributes of institutions where minority ethnic groups tend to study (eg concentrations in institutions with lower than expected good degrees); and thirdly, particular interactions between minority ethnic students and HE (eg students choosing particular modules, or systematic discrimination, direct or indirect). HEFCE expect to have a clearer idea when it has developed a model taking into account a wide range of factors.

Earlier research1 _{supports the conclusion from our research about} differences in prior attainment being a key factor, and also different student experiences, including some institutional racism or lack of racial awareness in some institutions. A number of small studies in the 1990s show up institutional racial issues, such as that focused on medical degrees which found racial bias in assessment2_{, and more widely across a London university.}3 _{It is} likely that the situation has improved but we are not aware of any further up-to-date evidence.

Our survey and interviews revealed a small amount of evidence of incidences of racial discrimination or harassment. However, we

1 _{Eg Connor et al. (1996).}

2 _{McManus et al. (1995); Esmail and Dewart (1998).} 3 _{Van Dyke (1998).}

did not expect much, since there is likely to be a certain amount of under-reporting in a survey of this kind, due to the sensitivity of the subject. Seven per cent of minority ethnic students interviewed felt they had experienced some discrimination or harassment due to their ethnicity during their course, slightly more Indians (nine per cent) and Black Caribbean/Black Other (11 per cent), and this covered students from both universities and colleges. The figure is low, accounting for about one in fourteen of the total, but it is likely to be an underestimate, and seems large enough to warrant concern, especially considering the evidence on under-performance of minority ethnic groups in degrees (shown above).

One aspect of student life, which is suggested as having an increasingly negative effect on academic performance of students, is the extent to which they have term-time jobs. A recent study (but not yet published) sponsored by HEFCE and UUK shows that, overall, students who worked felt pressures on their academic studies, and that minority ethnic students were more likely to work term-time than White students (60 per cent compared to 53 per cent). Among those in our graduate follow-up survey who worked, over half felt it had affected their studies, and Black students, who were the most likely to have worked term-time, were more likely to feel this.

The main ways it had affected their academic studies was on the standard of their course work and feeling too tired to work.

There is not really sufficient evidence from here or other studies to show how much of a negative effect working has on degree class, and for whom in particular (and it also has some positive effects on ‘employability’ of graduates), but it is an aspect of today’s student life which needs to be continued to be monitored and researched.