Discursive Approach

While researchers have used many different notions of discourse, sometimes with competing definitions, this thesis defines discourse not simply as a “communicative exchange, but a complex entity that extends into the realms of ideology, strategy,

language, and practice, and is shaped by the relations between power and knowledge” (Sharp & Richardson, 2001, p. 195). By extension, policy discourse on environmental issues such as climate change could be thought of as “the bundle of exchanges that give shape through metaphors and practices to a particular policy-making process or debate” (Sharp & Richardson, 2001, p. 195). These discourses, then, have an existence beyond the text and reflect the perceptions, power relations and intentions of the

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within particular discourses, which could include institutions, norms, knowledge systems, social practice, and language (Livesey, 2002).

The discursive approach applied in this thesis draws upon the discourse- theoretical perspectives of Foucault and Hajer, whose work highlights how “language has the capacity to make politics, to create signs and symbols that shift power balances, to render events harmless or, on the contrary, to create political conflict” (Hajer &

Versteeg, 2005, p. 179). This thesis heavily aligns its methodology and analysis with Foucault’s view that “different systems of meaning or discourses compete for influence in society and, consequently, that structural changes in society can be conceptualized as shifts in the relative influence of different discourses” (Sharp & Richardson, 2001, p. 196). In this sense, “meaning-making is an inherently political process,” in which the first step is framing an issue so that it can be addressed by political policy-making (Waitt, Farbotko, & Criddle, 2012, p. 37). Like Foucault, Hajer assumed language was not a “neutral messenger of given interests and preferences,” but rather it influenced their formation (Feindt & Oels, 2005, p. 166). But Hajer differs from Foucault in his emphasis on actor coalitions. In his discursive approach, actors position themselves in the realm of a given discourse and try to shape it (Hajer & Versteeg, 2005). Akin to Hajer, Carolan and Bell (2003) believed that the knowledge we attach to ourselves also locates us discursively in a specific network or coalition. Ultimately, they argue:

We build coalitions; we engage in collective action; we speak up, together, in a loud voice. And if we are loud enough and cogent enough, the result is…a discursive movement where the existing social relations of knowledge become contested, resulting in the possibility of new social relations of truth, and thus

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new social relations of trust. How these ‘moments’ are handled and resolved can therefore lead to new patters of power/knowledge/identity. (Carolan & Bell, 2003, p. 232)

The UNFCCC, its constituencies, and debates over climate change provide an ideal platform to test such theories, specifically as it relates to the construction of risk.

4.1.1 Potential Research Bias

Before further exploring climate change discourse and this thesis’ methodology and data, it is important to detail potential research bias in this work – and those efforts to eliminate it. Sharp and Richardson (2001) noted that the process of selecting the discourses that are to be the framework for any research project are subjective and reflect the researcher’s interests and preoccupations. Cheek (2008) also observed that researchers of are in a position to impose meanings on another’s text, and their

research itself can be another product of discourse.

In 2010, I was selected as one of about 20 delegates to attend the UNFCCC COP 16 negotiations in Cancún, Mexico, with the U.S.-based sustainable development youth NGO SustainUS. During that time, I volunteered as the NGO’s media and

communications coordinator and worked with more than a dozen NGO communications colleagues in the months leading up to, during and after COP 16. In this role, I assisted in writing statements and press releases related to youth-issues and perspectives on climate change and the negotiations.

I came into this research with respect for the critical role that discourse and framing can have on shaping risk perceptions of environmental issues. Working with my

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YOUNGO and ENGO colleagues during this time, especially those who wrote opinions and briefs submitted to the UNFCCC prior to the COP, provided insight into the complex decision-making process of how to present the risks of climate change to the

international community. To aid in eliminating potential bias, I did not include in my dataset any documents that I could have been involved in creating. This led me to select only high-level statements and opinions that were written and presented to the COP, as opposed to position papers and supplemental materials distributed during the negotiations. I did not play a role in any of the YOUNGO or Youth Climate submissions that are part of my data for this research. Additionally, I elected to rely solely on written submissions, as opposed to interviews with constituency or party leaders – several of whom from the YOUNGO and ENGO constituencies I have developed professional relationships and friendships with since COP 16.

Just as my experiences have helped shape my personal views on international environmental negotiations, they also have helped to inform my academic

understanding of the UNFCCC, its role and impact on the global stage. As someone who helped to shape communication about climate change for youth, I have witnessed first-hand how discourse is closely embedded with power and ideology and its use in international regimes, such as the UNFCCC.

4.1.2 Limitations of the Study

Like all research, this thesis has certain limitations in both its study and application of risk perception of climate change at international environmental

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submitted to the UNFCCC for COP 16, as described in the following section. Indeed, many other texts and narratives are typically available during COPs, including but not limited to media coverage; position papers authored by countries’ delegations and NGOs or other observers; internal memorandums and newsletters produced by the UNFCCC Secretariat’s office; and the negotiating texts themselves. Resource and time constraints, coupled with the decision detailed above to not include position papers and verbal interviews with stakeholders, have limited my dataset in this thesis.

Additionally, this thesis takes a discursive approach to examine documents affiliated with a single COP during a fixed time period. A more comprehensive study of risk perceptions and evolving responses to climate change would include a time-series study, analyzing discourse and climate change framing over a set number of years and relating it to negotiated outcomes of climate governance on the international stage. Such a study would ultimately provide us with a more complete understanding of how we perceive and respond to ecological risk.