Distribution of restrictive and non-restrictive where, when and why

That 5.5 5.8 1.8 1.1

Zero 21.4 24.5 16.1 11.4

Which 15.9 7.7 17.9 21.6

Whose 0.0 0.0 1.8 0.0

Where 36.6 37.4 33.9 33.0

When 19.3 21.9 28.6 31.8

Why 1.4 2.6 0.0 1.1

Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

As table 37 indicates, variation is detected in the use of this feature. The distribution of adverbial relativizers is surprisingly similar between HISSE and LSSE on one hand, and between IrE and BrE, on the other. Where is the most frequent adverbial relativ-izer across the data. In IrE and BrE it is followed by when, while in SSE news zero is more frequent than when. Zero is clearly more frequent in SSE in comparison to IrE and BrE, in which it is the fourth most frequent adverbial relativizer. On the other hand, which is clearly less common in LSSE in comparison to the other varieties. That is infrequent across the board (cf. Tottie and Lehmann 1999). However, it is somewhat more common in SSE in comparison to IrE and BrE. Why and whose are very rare.

Statistically significant variation arises in the use of zero (LSSE vs. BrE, p = 0.0133¹²²), which (LSSE vs. HISSE, p = 0.0286; LSSE vs. BrE, p = 0.0019; LSSE vs. IrE, p = 0.0338) and when (HISSE vs. BrE, p=0.0303). As already mentioned, this section is dedicated for where, when and why, and therefore the overall adverbial relativizer distribution and use in restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses will be discussed in detail in sections 5.7.3 and 5.8.3.

5.6.1 Distribution of restrictive and non-restrictive where, when and why The distribution and functions of the adverbial relativizers where, when and why will be examined next. Figure 22 shows the distribution of these relativizers (for absolute numbers, see table 14 in Appendix A).

122 These differences between the varieties were analyzed with chi-square test without Yates correction.

63.9  %  

60.4  %  

54.3  %   50.0  %  

33.7  %   35.4  %  

45.7  %   48.3  %  

2.4  %   4.2  %  

0.0  %   1.7  %  

0.0  %   10.0  %   20.0  %   30.0  %   40.0  %   50.0  %   60.0  %   70.0  %  

HISSE   LSSE   IrE   BrE  

WHERE   WHEN   WHY  

Figure 22. Distribution of the adverbial relativizers where, when and why

Where is the most frequent of these three relativizers followed by when and why. When is nearly as frequent as where in IrE and BrE. Why is rare across the board, and com-pletely absent from IrE news. It is possible that smaller sizes of the BrE corpus and ICE-Ireland contribute to the lower frequency and the absence of why in the current data.

Table 38. Distribution of restrictive (R) and non-restrictive (NR) where, when and why

Where When Why

R NR Total R NR Total R NR Total

Variety % % % % % % % % %

HISSE 49.1 50.9 100.0 35.7 64.3 100.0 100.0 0.0 100.0

LSSE 29.3 70.7 100.0 32.4 67.6 100.0 100.0 0.0 100.0

IrE 21.1 78.9 100.0 43.8 56.3 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

BrE 20.7 79.3 100.0 35.7 64.3 100.0 100.0 0.0 100.0

Where and when occur most frequently in non-restrictive relative clauses, whereas why is used only as a restrictive relativizer. Although the majority of locative adverbial where instances occur in non-restrictive relative clauses, cross-variety variation in detected. In HISSE news restrictive and non-restrictive where are distributed nearly equally, while in the rest of the varieties non-restrictive where occurs in more than seventy per cent of the instances. The distribution of restrictive and non-restrictive where is almost identical in IrE and BrE. The higher frequency of proper noun an-tecedents in the rest of the varieties in comparison to HISSE could explain the fre-quency of non-restrictive where, but this is not, however, the case. In fact, HISSE has

the highest frequency of proper noun antecedents: 74.1%, followed by BrE (69.6%);

LSSE (61.0%) and IrE (33.3%). These antecedents denote, for example, names of towns, countries and other localities (259).

(259) Her parents later settled in Easter Ross where Mr MacDonald was a minis-ter at Rosskeen Free Church. (HISSE, Ross-shire Journal)

In the same manner as where, the time adverbial when is favoured in non-restrictive environments (260). In HISSE, LSSE and BrE two thirds of the occurrences are in non-restrictive relative clauses, and in IrE the percentage is slightly lower, 56 per cent.

(260) The last time taxi plates were issued by the carriage office was in 1992 when 100 new plates were distributed after a lottery was held among the 1,400 qualifying applicants. (ICE-Ireland, ICE Press news S\W2C-013 Sunday Tribune)

The manner adverbial why is rare and occurs solely in restrictive relative clauses with the head noun reason (261). Why may also be omitted or replaced by that and zero. This feature will be elaborated on in section 5.7.3 .

(261) “This was the reason why the application was refused last year.” (LSSE, Ayr Advertiser)

Prepositional complementation with adverbial relativizers is rare: where occurs once in HISSE with a pied-piped preposition (262), and once in IrE with a stranded prepo-sition (263):

(262) Hardy Mary has to thumb for lifts from passing motorists, but the road is so quiet in the early hours that by the time she gets picked up often she has nearly walked to Forres, 14 miles away, from where she can catch a bus to neighbouring Elgin. (HISSE, Strathspey and Badenoch Herald)

(263) Another six inch long wound on his stomach is not as deep, but the area is badly swollen and he has another inch deep wound on his front leg where the knife was stuck in. (ICE-Ireland, ICE Press news N\W2C-006 Belfast Telegraph 5)

When and why do not occur with pied-piped or stranded prepositions. With where and when the preposition may be part of the antecedent (see examples 264 and 265). This construction is also possible with the zero relativizer and it-cleft sentences. However, the use of this structure in it-cleft sentences has been used as an argument to separate the postmodifying clause in it-clefts from relative clauses (Quirk et al. 1985).

(264) They have written to staff at Cornton Vale Prison, where Reid is serving her sentence, asking them to intervene. (HISSE, The Inverness Courier)

(265) Ms Jamieson said: “It is unthinkable at a time when we are celebrating our culture and heritage that 2009 would herald the end of the Gaiety”. (LSSE, Ayr Advertiser)

It is worth noting that the punctuation of non-restrictive locative and time adverbial relative clauses is highly unreliable. Surprisingly many instances are realized without an overt marking, especially with when.

Table 39. Non-punctuation of non-restrictive where and when

Where When

% %

HISSE 44.8 88.9

LSSE 51.2 56.5

IrE 60.0 66.7

BrE 30.4 61.1

Newspaper articles often refer to recent events, and it is usually clear for the reader when the event has taken place, and accordingly which particular day is referred to. Therefore, I have analysed instances such as examples (266) and (268) as non-restrictive. Punctuation of non-restrictive when is overall scarce and typical instances include, for example, the omission of a comma after the names of the days of the week (266):

(266) Scores of lorries were stranded by Aviemore from just before 8.15am on Thursday when the Inverness-Perth road became blocked further north at the Slochd because of the wintry weather. (HISSE, Strathspey and Badenoch Herald)

IrE news are most likely to omit punctuation with where, while in BrE seventy per cent of the instances are punctuated correctly. Typical instances include, for instance, place names (267):

(267) Then in 1845 Joseph took part in a great procession to the Burns monument in Alloway where he met the sons of the poet. (LSSE, Ayr Advertiser)

Similarly, days of the week are proper nouns (268) and they are followed by a non-restrictive relative clause.

(268) The drama started on Saturday morning when the smoke alarm activated at 8. (LSSE, Border Telegraph)