The Dollar

In the St. Louis speech, Martin made clear the fact that wise application of African American dollars could have an immediate effect on Blacks’ status. He called attention to the power they already had to inspire them to action: “Our economic power is enormous. You know that we have an annual income in the United States of over twenty billion dollars. What we do

239

Ibid., 6.

with this wealth, how we spend it and how we invest it, directly affect our status in the

society.”241 Martin often commented on the role of money in politics in his newspaper editorials, and that sentiment extended to his speeches as well. Note his mention of both spending and investing and how African Americans approached those activities. He recasts the activities as an indication of status, suggesting that people spend wisely and in accordance with a vision of the future.

In another example of identification, Martin counted himself among the audience members as one of many who can strategically use funds to empower Blacks in America. Through these speeches to various groups Martin made suggestions about where dollars could best be spent (i.e., with Blacks who were entrepreneurs and various groups dedicated to minorities, such as the NAACP). Martin’s reference to the “spending power” of Blacks was another theme that appears frequently in his various speeches as a means to improve the condition of Blacks in America at this time. While many African Americans may not have had enough money to meet their most basic needs, he appealed to others who do have discretionary income to spend it wisely.242 This could best be accomplished by educating Blacks about

finances, which may best be provided by local organizations.243 He believed that “The intelligent manipulation of this economic tool, the dollar bill, can profoundly affect our future.”244 The key was to go about this process in a smart and organized fashion, which was where the leaders of

241 _{Louis E. Martin, St. Louis, 4.} 242

Martin commented on this at length in a 1977 article in which he stated, there is an “allegation that black consumers will buy whatever they fancy, irrespective of the costs or the consequences. We are all familiar with the popular adage that we always buy what we want and beg for what we need.” Martin went on to suggest: “we may not be suffering so much from powerlessness as we are from stupidity” and asserted, “the time may be ripe now to start making our dollars talk. It doesn’t pay to get mad, it pays to get smart.” Louis E. Martin, “The Big Parade: Dollars Hold Key to ‘Lock’ On Power,” Tri-State Defender 20 Aug. 1977, 5.

243 _{He explains to the members of the Urban League audience: “Yet any student of the consumer habits of} blacks will quickly admit that almost 20 cents of every black dollar is wasted or foolishly spent. The need for a widespread consumer education is critical. Some of us seem to still be in the position of aborignees [sic] who gave up valuable land for strings of beads.” Louis E. Martin, National Urban League Midwest, 8.

various African American communities could get involved. Thus, Martin was not only promoting the use of the dollar, he was also providing examples of how the dollar could be used—perhaps to inspire the audience members to action in their own location.

The critical role of African American-owned businesses was also apparent in his speech before the Atlanta Negro Voters League in 1962. In that speech, Martin referenced a number of businesses in Atlanta that were thriving under African American leadership:

The financial institutions you have built, Atlanta Life, the Citizens Trust Bank, the Mutual Savings and Loan and the others speak for themselves. In Savannah where we are building Guaranty Life, the Carver Bank and similar institutions we doff our hats to your leadership. I wish to pay tribute to your thrift and business enterprise because I am firmly

convinced that we shall never win full acceptance in this society until we play some part in the power structure of America.245

This quotation illustrates Martin’s characteristic method of providing evidence for his claims by naming certain individuals or entities who have managed to secure positions of power in local and federal appointments—judicial and legislative. By pointing to specific successful businesses, Martin provided a blueprint of sorts for others to follow.

Furthermore, Martin provided a network of human connections: real people who

achieved success and were obligated, in turn, to lend their success to others. The significance of such social networking was hardly lost on Martin, whose connections due to his experience as a journalist led him to become familiar with many potential appointees for various posts. Martin was careful to state that it was what the African American community did with its dollars that would benefit the group as a whole: “The annual income of our citizens in the United States

exceeds twenty billion dollars. What we do with these dollars affects our civil rights and the general welfare of ourselves and our children. You know this well.”246 Why would Martin make this point if the audience already knew it to be true? He was using this tactic to reinforce and amplify his beliefs with a sympathetic audience. Even so, Martin was realistic nearly to a fault: “We must face the hard realities of our situation and begin now to mobilize the full voting strength of our people in Atlanta and throughout America.”247 This is another example of his sustained use of pragmatic argument whereby he systematically acknowledged both

opportunities and dilemmas in order to completely assess the situation at hand and begin to move forward, literally, by “mobilizing” the African American masses. This call for movement was particularly apparent in his call for all African Americans to claim their right as voters.